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Monday, February 2, 2015

The World Bank and Ethiopia’s “Growth and Transformation” By Alemayehu G. Mariam - See more at: http://www.zehabesha.com/world-bank-ethiopias-growth-transformation-alemayehu-g-mariam/#sthash.h87a0oNE.dpuf

Alemayehu G. Mariam
The World Bank lies, Ethiopia dies… from onerous “odious debt”
growth_transformation101422505553I had completely forgotten about the so-called “Growth and Transformation Plan” (GTP) of 2010, until the World Bank reminded me of it last week.
That “Plan” was the late Meles Zenawi’s  gimmick  about having an economic plan for Ethiopia. In 2010, Meles made the ridiculous claim that as a result of his GTP “Ethiopian economic growth may average 14.9 percent annually over the next five years [2010-15].” His contempt for our intelligence was surpassed only by our contempt for his ignorance. His mantra was, “No one ever went broke underestimating the intelligence of the Ethiopian people.”
Last week, the World Bank issued a “Featured Story” entitled, “Can Ethiopia’s Resource Wealth Contribute to its Growth and Transformation?”.  The Bank claimed, “Ethiopia has averaged a 10.7% economic growth rate over the last 10 years, more than double the annual average of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, which was around 5.2%.” The World Bank’s contempt for our intelligence is exceeded only by Meles’.
The same claptrap was even repeated by President Barack Obama on September 25, 2014  when he declared, “there is no better example of progress in Africa than what has been happening in Ethiopia — one of the fastest-growing economies in the world.” Was Obama merely parroting an obligatory complement?
Last week, I published my commentary, “World Bank-ruptcy in Ethiopia”. Two weeks ago, the World Bank’s Inspection Panel (IP) Report (prepared in November 2014 for limited circulation to the Bank’s top brass) on the impact of the so-called “Protection of Basic Services Project” (PBS III) on the “villagization” of the Anuak People in Western Ethiopia was mysteriously posted on line. The IP Report showed the World Bank has been playing a cruel bureaucratic joke on Ethiopians and engaged in an elaborate game of deception in its implementation of its PBS III. (Incidentally, and possibly coincidentally, the World Bank’s “Featured Story” on “Ethiopia’s Growth and Transformation” was released on the same day I posted my “World Bank-ruptcy” commentary.
Last week, I also read the World Bank’s 189-page report entitled,  “Ethiopia Poverty Assessment” released on January 20, 2015.  The “Assessment” proclaimed, “Poverty in Ethiopia fell from 44 percent in 2000 to 30 percent in 2011, which translated to a 33 percent reduction in the share of people living in poverty. This decline was underpinned by high and consistent economic growth.”  (Presumably, poverty dropped  from 30 percent to 0 percent between 2012 and 2015.)
What  a colossal waste of time reading such a crock! (I should have used the time to finish reading the learned commentaries of Nubre Ed Ermias Kebede Wolde-Yesus in “Ethiopia: YeAlemu Mefarejia” (“Ethiopia: On Judgment Day” [my translation of the title]).
“Houston, we’ve got a problem,” reported the crew of Apollo 13 to describe the crises in Mission Control.
I say, “Fellow Ethiopians, we’ve got a problem here!” I am making the statement to describe the crisis in truth telling by the World Bank and its ilk about Ethiopia’s real economic growth. What exactly is the truth about Ethiopia economic growth rate and development? Did Ethiopia really average “10.7 percent annual growth over the last 10 years”? What is the proof for such a claim?  Is it even remotely possible that Ethiopia could have “averaged 14.9 percent annually” during the 2010-2015 period as Meles claimed? Where does the World Bank get its statistics on Ethiopia’s economic growth anyway?
Why is the World Bank publicizing figures it knows are manifestly highly dubious and outright boldfaced lies? Is it to impress the Ethiopian public by extolling the skillful management of the Ethiopian economy by the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (T-TPLF)?  Is it intended to be a self-congratulatory pat on the back for the donors and loaners and prove to the world that they played a central and decisive role in lifting out of poverty and transforming a once famine-stricken country into a shining example of loan- and aid-based development (an oxymoronic claim on its face)?
Could it be part of a larger deception games perpetrated on the Ethiopian people? Was President Obama merely repeating what his aides told him when he said “there is no better example of progress in Africa” than Ethiopia? Or does he know as much about the Ethiopian economy as he said he “knows” about Ethiopia’s elections?
If Ethiopia is the shining example of economic growth in Africa as the World Bank and its ilk claim, “why is Ethiopia the second poorest country on the planet? (For the answer, read my June 2014 commentary by the same title.)
Joseph Goebbels, history’s most infamous propagandist, observed, “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it.”
When that big lie is repeated by the biggest leader in the world and trumpeted by the mighty World Bank, it has the potential to become a little big truth. But a lie however big could never become even a small truth; wrong does not become right because the high and mighty said so; nor does evil become good even when wrapped in a golden robe. A lie will forever be a lie even if it is accepted as truth by the majority.
To be sure, I will readily admit there has been an 11 percent, even 15 percent, annual growth in mushrooming lies, proliferation of damned lies and procreation and propagation of statislies by the T-TPLF and its toady loaners and donors.
How the World Bank uses lies, damned lies and statistics to lie (“statislying”)
When will the World Bank stop “statislying”?
Benjamin Disraeli is reported to have said, “There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies, and statistics.”
I am going to coin a new word (as I have done on many previous occasions) to describe the use of statistics to lie, mislead and hoodwink: “statislying.
The World Bank “statislied” when it proclaimed  to the world in its “Featured Story” that “Ethiopia has averaged a 10.7% economic growth rate over the last 10 years, more than double the annual average of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, which was around 5.2%.”
Is the World Bank statement in the least bit credible in this statement? Based on the recent Inspection Panel’s Report, is the World Bank in Ethiopia a credible institution capable of presenting accurate, truthful and factual information? Does the World Bank practice premeditated statislies?
Let me present my evidence.
The World Bank in Ethiopia is a window dressing institution. It is a bank that goes through the motions of being a bank. Its officials in that country are groupies and toadies of the T-TPLF. The Bank’s managers and bosses in Ethiopia do not seem to know what they are doing, nor do they care about the professional performance of their responsibilities or diligent exercise of their fiduciary duties. That is not my conclusion!  It is the conclusion of the Inspection Panel (IP) of the Bank in its November 21, 2014 report.
The IP Report documented incompetence, indifference and borderline criminal negligence on the part of the World Bank’s managers in Ethiopia. Their professional conduct in the implementation and administration of the PBS III program in Gambella evinced depraved indifference to the welfare of Anuak communities and willful ignorance and nonchalance towards the Bank’s core policies and guidelines. The managers displayed monumental blunders and gross indifference in addressing known and reasonably articulable and predictable risks of harm to the Anuak flowing from the implementation of PBS III.
The Bank’s managers were were so paralyzed by incompetence and depraved indifference in the PBS III program that they were unable to respond or take action to resolve or remediate critical situations during implementation. Their right hand did not know what their left hand was doing. They could not coordinate the Bank’s Community Development Project (which seeks to provide sustainable ways of improving the living conditions of targeted communities by focusing on social and infrastructure development) with PBS III (which seeks to “strengthen the capacity, transparency, accountability and financial management of sub-national governments.) As a result, Anuak communities were “harmed” and their “livelihoods affected.”
The World Bank gave USD$600 million in September 2012 to implement PBS III. Three “Joint Review and Implementation Support” (JRIS) were done by Bank officials in Ethiopia since PBS III was implemented. All three reviews “are silent on the issues” of harm to the impacted communities. The Bank officials in Ethiopia intentionally and deliberately excluded highly relevant and decisive facts which documented harm to the Anuak communities in direct violation of the Bank’s “Investment Lending Policy (OP/BP 10.00) (which provides detailed and elaborate policies, procedures and instructions on Project performance and compliance.) They engaged in cover-up of information and facts that reflected negatively on the Project.
The IP report itself cleverly avoided using the word “corruption” instead chose the phrase “inadequate initial planning to address fiduciary risks” to describe the shameful dereliction of duty of financial accountability by the Bank’s  officials in the implementation of PBS III.  The only “fiduciary risks” involved in PBS III were corruption, fraud, abuse and waste of the Bank’s money. On those four issues, the three Joint Review and Implementation Support reviews  were as silent as the Sphinx.
The IP reported the officials of the World Bank in Ethiopia made no effort to protect the Bank’s money from corruption by agents of the T-TPLF. (Correction: The USD$600 million is money the Bank loaned to the T-TPLF in the name of the People of Ethiopia. Future generations of Ethiopians will be asked to pay it back? Will they be legally obligated to do so!?! Umm! )
Now an institution that cannot competently and professionally plan, implement, monitor its own project or keep a running account of the money it is spending is telling the world that “Ethiopia has averaged a 10.7% economic growth rate over the last 10 years.”  An institution that covered up negative information on its own Program implementation and performance in “three Joint Reviews” is now asserting statistical claims for the entire Ethiopian economy for the past ten years!  
Can anyone believe or trust any official statement from an organization that runs a certified mickey mouse operationin Ethiopia with the noble and illustrious title, “Protection of Basic Services Project”?
When the World Bank  asserts, “Ethiopia has averaged a 10.7% economic growth rate over the last 10 years, more than double the annual average of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, which was around 5.2%.”, it is statislying. I argue that statement is based on bogus, sham, fraudulent and phony statistics fabricated, manufactured and supplied by none other than the T-TPLF’s “Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia (CSA).”
Let me present additional evidence.
There is clear and convincing evidence showing that the World Bank is statislying when it claims Ethiopia has averaged a 10.7% economic growth rate over the last 10 years. (I have laid out my personal views on that so-called Plan in my commentaries in June 2011 (“The Fakeonomics of Meles Zenawi”) and  May 2011 (“The Voodoo Economics of Meles Zenawi”).
First, the economic growth “statistics” upon which the World Bank and the other donors and loaners rely on and shamelessly trumpet for Ethiopia are NOT based on the Bank’s (or other independent agencies’) independently collected data or analysis. The World Bank’s proclamations about the “Growth and Transformation Plan” are based exclusively (with the exception of a few estimates) on statistics collected, chopped, diced, sautéed, braised, grilled, roasted, stewed and seasoned in the kitchens of the CSA under the direction and supervision of the stealthy Executive Chefs of the T-TPLF.
The statistical data sources on the progress of the so-called GTP are also exclusively T-TPLF bureaucratic sources channeled through the CSA.  According to the IMF’s report, “Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Growth and Transformation Plan 2010/11–2014/15 – Volume II (p.3)”,

for verification of the progress made in GTP implementation, annual reports of sector ministries and surveys conducted by the Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia [CSA] such as welfare monitoring survey, household income and consumption expenditure survey, demographic and health survey conducted every five years will be used. The monthly price and inflation rateprepared by the CSA and reports of the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development will be useful to monitor macroeconomic developments and poverty reduction. The CSA has developed a National Statistical Development Strategy (NSDS) that has been approved by the national Statistics Council.
What is even more amazing is the fact that the World Bank does not even try to verify on its own the accuracy, validity and reliability of the statistics cooked up in the CSA. (Of course, if it had verified, it would have found out that CSA statistics were entirely unreliable.) Occasionally, the World Bank purports to make its own “estimates” without explaining its own methodologies for making estimates.
As a matter of policy and practice, the World Bank accepts CSA statistics on  face value and irresponsibly propagates them to the rest of the world as true, reliable and accurate. The questions to be answered are: 1) How credible are T-TPLF bureaucrats and apparatchiks in reporting accurate and reliable economic data? 2) Does the benighted T-TPLF have the technical and institutional capability to undertake comprehensive, accurate  and sustained data collection and analysis of value for policy making? 3) How much political interference is there by the T-TPLF in the preparation of economic and demographic data?
In its January 2015 Report, “Ethiopia Poverty Assessment (p. xxv), the World Bank makes all sorts of fabulous statistical claims and declarations about World Bank-backed victories in the war on poverty in Ethiopia. The Bank claims its study and findings are based on hard, reliable and accurate data:

Ethiopia has a wealth of data and surveys that have been used in this work. The core of the analysis [in the Assessment] uses the series of Household Income and  Consumption Expenditure Surveys (HICES) undertaken in 1995/6, 1999/2000, 2004/5 and 2010/11 (henceforth referred to as 1996, 2000, 2005 and 2011). And it is from this series that the official consumption aggregates and monetary poverty estimates are derived.
Who is responsible for the collection of the vaunted “wealth of data and surveys” of the Household Income and  Consumption Expenditure Surveys? The Central Statistical Agency! (See “Assessment”, footnotes for Tables 1, 1.2 – 1.13; 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 3.1- 3.3, 3.8; 4.1-4.3… 5.1,… etc. etc….).  It is all GIGO (garbage in, garbage out).  You input a wealth of data and survey garbage, you output a wealth of data and survey garbage).  That’s why I remarked above that the January 2015 Poverty Assessment report is a waste of time to read and a crock.
The World Bank further claims that Ethiopia has not only registered 10.7 percent growth for a decade but that its growth is “more than double the annual average of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, which was around 5.2%.” Such hyperbole is simply baseless, silly and disrepsectful of other African countries telling the truth about their economies.  The fact of the matter is that the experts who are willing to tell the truth have long known hyperbolic claims of economic growth such as the World Bank’s are bunk. On November 1, 2007, the Economist magazine concluded:

The fact is that for all the aid money and Chinese loans coming in, Ethiopia’s economy is neither growing fast enough nor producing enough jobs. The number of jobs created by flowers is insignificant beside an increase in population of about 2m a year, one of the fastest rates in Africa…. The government claims that the economy has been growing at an impressive 10% a year since 2003-04, but the real figure is probably more like 5-6%, which is little more than the average for sub-Saharan Africa. And even that modestly improved rate, with a small building boom in Addis Ababa, for instance, has led to the overheating of the economy, with inflation moving up to 19% earlier this year before the government took remedial action. The reasons for this economic crawl are not hard to find. Beyond the government-directed state, funded substantially by foreign aid, there is–almost uniquely in Africa–virtually no private-sector business at all.”
The fact of the matter is that just as the World Bank managers in Ethiopia relegated their fiduciary duties in the PBS III program to corrupt woreda (local) officials, they have likewise relegated the task of data collection and analysis to an equally corrupted T-TPLF institution, the CSA. Put simply, so long as the verification of the statistical data on economic growth in Ethiopia is left entirely to the CSA which is under the political thumbs of the T-TPLF, it is useless. The economic growth data verified by the T-TPLF and trumpeted by the World Bank, the IMF, the Development Assistance Group and others are meaningless!!!
Second, there is substantial evidence from informant(s) with firsthand knowledge of CSA operations and functions thatsystemic falsification of economic and other data are encouraged and rewarded by the T-TPLF bosses. CSA personnel are directed to “cook”, manipulate and tweak the statistics to exaggerate economic growth and massage data to produce favorable economic figures. Knowledgeable informant(s) reveal a variety of issues in the CSA. Official statistics are deliberately overstated and squeezed to yield exaggerated numbers on the economy’s growth while understating other factors such as inflation. The CSA simply does not have the institutional capacity or technical and human resources to collect, analyze and disseminate accurate economic statistics. It is said there are serious deficiencies in the way the CSA gathers, measures, and presents its data.  For instance, sample surveys to measure the economy are said to be not only incomplete and inadequate but also laughable from the technical standpoint.
The CSA does not follow international standards for statistical data collection and reporting.  There is significant political interference in the measurement, presentation and reporting of data. There is sheer lack of information on the performance of the private sector due to poor and incompetent data collection. As a result, it is nearly impossible to distinguish between real and paper investments. Private and even state-owned enterprises seeking to avoid taxes, regulation or other sanctions deliberately underreport revenues, output and expenses. Similarly, local officials and bureaucrats who may not necessarily want to report factually inaccurate data are forced to do so because their own performance evaluation depends on overly favorable figures. They often overstate politically preferred facts and understate politically incorrect facts that reflect negatively on the T-TPLF. The mantra at the CSA is to “make it look good with the numbers”.
The CSA is such a hot mess that the World Bank issued a “Project Appraisal Document” dated May 28, 2014 intending to commit USD$10 million “to enhance the capacity of the Central Statistical Agency (CSA) at the organizational, human, and physical levels in order to produce and disseminate reliable, accessible, and timely statistics.”
On September 4, 2014,  “a team of 15 IBM  experts presented its recommendations to Ethiopian leaders” on a variety of statistical data collection methodologies and processes including “text-based communications”,  “integrated IT system”, “collection and analysis of key labor market data”, “mobile and analytics technologies to gather and analyze data about nutrition, water, sanitation, and hygiene”.
It is not clear how many hundreds of millions of dollars the World Bank “loaned” to Ethiopia will end up in the pockets of IBM to deploy its state of the art data collection, analysis and dissemination information technologies (IT).
Third, the IMF, the World Bank and the so-called Development Assistance Group (affectionately known to me as the “international poverty pimps”) comprising of  27 bilateral and multilateral development agencies providing assistance to Ethiopia have always known about the uselessness of the economic statistics provided by the CSA but have disingenuously  continued to use it. For instance, IMF’s July 2008 Country Report (Ethiopia) No. 08/264 stated: “Growth has averaged 11 percent since 2003/04, far exceeding the minimum target of 7 percent in the Program for Accelerated and Sustainable Development (PASDEP), that is estimated to be consistent with keeping the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) within reach.” On pp. 20-24 of that Report, the origin of the data indicating an 11 percent growth is not some independent data collection and analysis source but the very same emasculated Central Statistics Office.  Did Ethiopia really average a 10.7% economic growth rate over the last 10 years?
If current data sets, collection procedures and analysis by the CSA have “significant weaknesses” and “substantial information gaps”, how reliable is the CSA data the World Bank used in its January 2015 “Ethiopia Poverty Assessment” for the years 1995/6, 1999/2000, 2004/5  to declare poverty has been vanquished in Ethiopia in 2015? Did poverty in Ethiopia really fell from 44 percent in 2000 to 30 percent in 2011 as the World Bank claimed?
Fourth, in its October 2013 reportthe IMF, for all intents and purposes, declared it has no confidence in the cooked data of the T-TPLF  and had stopped using CSA statistics and began using its own estimates. “GDP statistics in Ethiopia are subject to significant weaknesses…   Substantial information gaps on the health of the financial sector remain as the mission did not have access to detailed banks’ balance sheet data in order to undertake a banking sector diagnostic. In addition, fiscal and BOP [balance of payments] statistics require improvements. For example, comprehensive public sector data, including on public enterprises, are still lacking and would be desirable for a proper assessment of public sector finances.”
Despite “substantial gaps and significant weakness” in data collection, the World Bank (and the other loaners and donors) in January 2015 shamelessly continues to insist “Ethiopia has averaged a 10.7% economic growth rate over the last 10 years.” That is a statement made with knowledge of the falsity of the statement or in reckless disregard and depraved indifference to the truth or falsity of the statement.
The truth about the so-called “Growth and Transformation Plan” was foretold candidly at the inception by none other than Ken Ohashi, the World Bank’s  country director for Ethiopia on June 8, 2011.  Ohashi unapologetically stated,

Ethiopia’s dependence on foreign capital to finance budget deficits and a five-year investment plan is unsustainable… I can’t see it’s sustainable short of discovering huge oil reserves, essentially an unexpected windfall… I don’t see how they can sustain such an aggressive investment plan without getting into serious problems… If you’re not as a nation saving enough, you are dependent on foreign capital or other means of financing investment in an unhealthy, unsustainable way… That’s the sort of trap they seem to be falling into… On debt there is a danger… If this public investment-led growth at some point really stumbles or stagnates for a while then all these debt equations could unravel…  I do worry that without the private sector expanding much more vigorously then rapid growth is not likely to be sustainable and if that’s the case then all these debt balances could go out of control.”
Thus spoke Ken Ohashi!
I rest my case!!!
Ethiopia and Extractive Industries: “Can Ethiopia’s Resource Wealth Contribute to its Growth and Transformation?”
Let me now turn to the World Bank’s claims about Ethiopia’s extractive industries and the “Growth and Transformation Plan”.
In the “Featured Story” referenced above, the World Bank stated, “In October 2014, the WBG and the Ministry of Mines jointly organized the 2014 Ethiopia Extractive Industries Forum, one of the major recent initiatives.” The purpose of the Forum “was to help raise awareness about opportunities and challenges in the extractive industry, as well as to share good practices for its sustainable management.” The Forum “also provided the opportunity to discuss the findings of the “Strategic Assessment of the Ethiopian Mineral Sector” study, which was jointly published by the Ministry of Mines and other development partners.
The “Featured Story” claimed, “The WBG is providing technical assistance to the Ethiopian government to support them in translating the recommendations of the report to build a competitive, predictable, and responsible strategy, legislative and institutional framework for the Oil, Natural Gas and Mining industry. This will allow the Ethiopian government to conclude better deals for the extraction on their oil and mineral resources in a way that maximizes the benefits to the country, reducing the risk of costly or politically difficult remediation at later stages.”
I am not new to the mining “debate” in Ethiopia. Many of my readers will recall my extended confrontational “debate” with the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) and that organization’s pugnacious Chairperson Claire Short in 2013 over the “admission of Ethiopia” into the so-called. I wrote several commentaries setting forth my evidence-based opposition to the T-TPLF’s membership in the EITI.
My opposition was principled. I argued that the T-TPLF’s aim in joining the EITI was not to achieve transparency and accountability in the mining sector but to use its EITI membership as smoke and mirrors to hoodwink, swindle and defraud foreign investors by sucking them into their vortex of mining corruption.
(The interested reader may review my February 2014 commentary, “Dignifying Mining Corruption in Ethiopia Through EITI?”; my March 9, 2014 commentary, “Mining Corruption in Ethiopia: A Reply to Clare Short”; and March 23, 2014 commentary “EITI or Clare’s Corruption Club?”)
Here I want to address the World Bank’s claims about mining “resource wealth contribution” to the so-called Growth and Transformation in light of the Bank’s own findings on Ethiopia’s “Mining Sector” reported in its 417-page 2012 report, “Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia”. In that report theWorld Bank identified Ethiopia’s mining sector as corruption central.
In my November 2013 commentary “Mining Corruption in Ethiopia”, I summarized the Bank’s findings. There are “seven areas of corruption risk” in the Ethiopian mining sector” including the “three main risk areas” of “license issuing, compliance with license conditions, and mining revenues”. The other critical areas of corruption include fraudulent practices in “compensations and obligations to local inhabitants, contracts with contractors and suppliers to the mining companies, falsification by mining companies of product quality, and theft of mining products and equipment.”
The 2012 Report stated that in the area of “license issuance”, “officials may extort or be offered bribes by mining companies in return for issuing licenses, for issuing licenses more quickly, or for specifying less-onerous license conditions.” A related risk is that “officials may secretly have ownership stakes in companies to which licenses are granted; acquire land for which a license application has been made; demand a share in mining companies or in their profits; and manipulate license registration to give themselves or their associates prior registration.” In “license compliance”, “mining companies may deliberately breach mining conditions (for example, environmental, health, and safety regulations, as well as the extent or area of mining)” with impunity.
In the area of revenue, “mining companies may deliberately understate output and profit and overstate costs to reduce royalties and profit taxes.” The regime has no independent means of verifying the revenues of mining companies. According to the World Bank, “Collection of royalties and income tax apparently depends almost entirely on the mining companies’ self-certification of output and profit because of the lack of resources at the Ethiopian federal, regional, and city licensing authority levels. It would, therefore, be relatively easy for the mining companies to exaggerate their capital and operating costs and understate their output and profit.” When “license operation and mining revenue breaches are discovered, the mining company may also bribe inspectors to overlook the breaches.”
The catalog of corrupt practices in the mining sector documented in “Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia” covered the entire spectrum ranging from bribes, falsification of records, shakedowns and take downs of mining companies and stealing compensation designated for local inhabitants to criminal use of insider information and fraudulent shell corporations. The most egregious examples of T-TPLF corruption documented by the World Bank are mindboggling and include the following:

A mining company could be required to pay a large premium in return for a mining license. Senior officials and the mining company could keep this premium secret, and the officials could receive payment in offshore bank accounts.

An official may require the mining company to make a large donation to a charity if it wants the license to be issued more quickly. Although the charity may appear to be genuine, it may in fact be a front for a political party or for the official’s personal or family gain.

A mining company may submit a health and safety plan for a mining license in accordance with good practice, but an official may tell the company that unless it pays a bribe, he or she will impose additional and unnecessarily onerous health and safety conditions.

A mining company may submit an environmental management plan for a mining license that will inadequately control the leaching of poisonous chemicals into the water supply. Proper controls would [be costly]. The mining company may pay the official responsible for approving the license a bribe to approve the deficient conditions.

Officials may demand a share in the profits of a mining company. A mining company may agree to give an official’s relative a free share in the profits of the mining project if it receives a license on beneficial terms.

Officials grant licenses to companies secretly owned by them. Officials secretly acquire land that is subject to a license application.

An official who is aware that mining may take place on an area of land may lease the land in advance of the mine licensing. Once the license is granted, the value of the land may materially increase. The official thereby profits from his or her inside knowledge by selling or licensing his or her rights to the land to the mining company.

Companies illegally on-sell licenses granted to them.

Officials manipulate license registration.

An official in the department that issues mining licenses may hear that a mining company wishes to apply for a license. The official may alert a businessperson with whom he or she has connections, and the businessperson may quickly apply for a license over the same area. The official grants the license to the businessperson. The mining company then has to purchase the license from the businessperson, and the businessperson shares the profit with the official.

A prospector may discover minerals, mark the area, and contact the relevant licensing authority to receive a discovery certificate. A corrupt official may not register the discovery in that person’s name but instead notify a business colleague and register the discovery in the colleague’s name. The corrupt official may then falsely inform the discoverer that someone else had previously discovered the minerals.

Officials collude with mining companies to grant subcontracts to relatives. The licensing authority could, as a condition of the license award or social development plan, require the mining company to undertake a large amount of additional infrastructure works at the mining company’s own cost. For example, the mining company may be obliged to build or refurbish a road, a school, or a hospital. A government official could then require the mining company to award one or more of these infrastructure projects to a contractor secretly owned by a member of the official’s family.

Officials or community leaders may steal compensation that should have gone to local inhabitants. Mining companies may bribe officials to set compensation below a proper rate.

Local inhabitants may falsely claim that they occupy land subject to a license application.
Contractors and suppliers may engage in fraudulent transactions in tendering, submitting claims, and concealing or approval of defective works.

Mining companies may commit fraud by making false declarations about the identity and quality of minerals or by bribing certifiers to approve false declarations. A major, ongoing investigation into corruption of this type is under way in Ethiopia.  
The World Bank now says it is “providing technical assistance to the Ethiopian government to   build a competitive, predictable, and responsible strategy, legislative and institutional framework for the Oil, Natural Gas and Mining industry.” Really!? The World Bank may be right in believing that we were all born yesterday, but we were not born last night.
The T-TPLF has been playing a magical game of smoke and mirrors with mining revenues for a long time.   According to an August 2013 report citing official sources, the Ethiopian “government” earned USD 419 million from the export of minerals supplied by artisanal miners operating in the country in the first 11 months of the current financial year.  Export of gold made up the largest proportion of minerals, generating USD 409.1 million in foreign currency, followed by gemstones and tantalum earning USD 9.3 million and USD 1.6 million. This income came from the export of 7878.3 kg of gold, 20,126.3 kg of gemstones and 32.95 tons of tantalum…. MIDROC Gold is the only company that is engaged in large-scale gold mining.” Other reports indicate the “export of minerals has become Ethiopia’s second largest foreign currency earner, contributing over 23 percent of overall export earnings.”
The fact of the matter is that no one, except the T-TPLF bosses who hold the key to the lock box of the mining revenues, knows the actual amount of revenue generated by the mining sector.The T-TPLF claims it has no independent way of verifying mining revenues and must rely on information reported by the companies. How convenient!
The principal beneficiaries of the mining sector revenues are the wealthy oligarchs and  the businesses fronting for the oligarchs and other enterprises owned by the T-TPLF. No one knows the depth and breadth of corruption taking place in the sale of mineral licenses and siphoning of mining revenues except the T-TPLF bosses. There is credible anecdotal eyewitness testimony alleging that hundreds of pounds of gold are regularly spirited out of the country without inspection by plane from airstrips close to the gold mines for destinations in Europe.
The World Bank in its “Featured Story” declared, “If well managed and well supported, the Ethiopian mineral sector has the potential to make a difference in the economic development of Ethiopia and to contribute to the poverty reduction agenda.” Indeed, the mining sector will make a huge difference to the bottomless pocket books and off shore accounts of the T-TPLF bosses and their toadies.  For the rest of the people, all of the gold, gemstones, tantalum, iron and potash Ethiopia has will not amount to a hill of beans!
The real “economic growth” in Ethiopia
The late Meles Zenawi, in one of his first press conference at the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington, D.C. [nearly a quarter of a century ago], in reply to a question about his goals, declared his Gold Standard for economic growth and development. Meles said he would consider his government a success if Ethiopians were able to eat three meals a day. In 2011, Meles pompously declared, “We have devised a plan [“Growth and Transformation Plan] which will enable us to produce surplus and be able to feed ourselves by 2015 without the need for food aid.”
I now ask the mighty World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the under- “Development Assistance Group” just three questions: 1) Do most Ethiopians eat three meals a day in 2015? 2) Are most Ethiopians better off economically today than they were five years ago? Is Ethiopia able to feed itself in 2015 “without the need for food aid” as Meles “devised” in his “Growth and Transformation Plan”?
“Three meals a day” in 2015 is pie in the sky for the vast majority of Ethiopians.
The fact of the matter is that Ethiopia today is 123 out of 125 worst-fed countries in the world. According to a new Oxfam food database “while the Netherlands ranks number one in the world for having the most plentiful, nutritious, healthy and affordable diet, Chad is last on 125th, behind Ethiopia and Angola.”
The World Bank is entitled to its own opinion but not its own facts
I want to make one thing absolutely crystal clear! I have no problems with the World Bank expressing its own opinions on the “Growth and Transformation Plan” or any aspect of Ethiopian society or politics.
I also have no problems with the World Bank stating or publishing whatever “facts” it wants provided it provides full disclosure on its data sources and the evidentiary basis for its assertions and conclusions.
I would have absolutely no problems whatsoever if the World Bank were to say that it believes “Ethiopia has averaged a 10.7% economic growth rate over the last 10 years” based exclusively on the data provided to them by the T-TPLF.  All I am asking for is plain old intellectual integrity and full disclosure consistent with the Bank’s policies, particularly “Investment Lending Policy (OP/BP 10.00)”.
I do have problems, major problems, when the World Bank knowingly and intentionally issues official statements to the public that are manifestly and demonstrably false, misleading and outright deceptive. I have big problems when the World Bank fails to undertake reasonable diligence to determine whether information it publishes are true or false because of the indolence, incompetence or depraved indifference of its managers in the country. I have BIG problems when the World Bank makes factual statements on Ethiopia with  knowledge of the falsity of the statements or in reckless disregard and depraved indifference to the truth or falsity of the statements it publishes. I don’t like being treated like a chump or a boob.  After all, I am an avid reader of their GIGO reports.
It is a crime for agencies and institutions under the “jurisdiction” of the United States Government to engage in official publication of materially false, misleading and deceptive statements or information.
18 U.S. Code § 1001 provides, “whoever… in any matter within the jurisdiction of the executive, legislative, or judicial branch of the Government of the United States, knowingly and willfully— (1) falsifies, conceals, or covers up by any trick, scheme, or device a material fact; (2) makes any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or representation; or (3) makes or uses any false writing or document knowing the same to contain any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or entry; shall be fined under this title, imprisoned…”
I have heard rumors that the United States Government is the “largest shareholder” in the World Bank Group. I am also informed and believe that the US Agency for International Development (USAID) is an agency of the Government of the United States.
Touch of the peoples’ temper?
In Paradise Lost, John Milton, the English poet with deep personal convictions and an irrepressible passion for freedom of speech and of the press wrote,
… Him [Satan], thus intent Ithuriel with his spear
Touched lightly; for no falsehood can endure
Touch of celestial temper, but returns
Of force to its own likeness.
The World Bank may not know this. Know this! Now!  Ethiopia is still a paradise to me and millions of others. It is not lost, not by a long shot. We know we shall regain the Ethiopian paradise when all the political and statistical falsehoods are speared by the truth and THEY  are touched by the Peoples’ temper. 
I would like to read another “Featured Story” on Ethiopia by the World Bank in the near future. This time I would like to see the TRUTH featured. Can the World Bank handle the TRUTH!?
- See more at: http://www.zehabesha.com/world-bank-ethiopias-growth-transformation-alemayehu-g-mariam/#sthash.h87a0oNE.dpuf

The Charities and Societies Proclamation and its impact on human rights and women’s rights activism in Ethiopia - See more at: http://www.zehabesha.com/charities-societies-proclamation-impact-human-rights-womens-rights-activism-ethiopia/#sthash.lszQw6Q3.dpuf

By  The Center for the Rights of Ethiopian Women (CREW)
CREWFour years after a draconian law stymied the work of civil society associations in Ethiopia, it has remained imperative to search for ways and means of the public making its input towards ensuring its entitlement to human rights, needs satisfaction and human development
Ethiopia passed the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSP), (No.621/2009), in February 2009 to regulate the work of civil society organizations in the country. This Law classified Ethiopian organizations into Charities or Societies, Resident Societies and Foreign Charities, and required all non-governmental organizations to register under one of these. Only Ethiopian Charities or Societies can work on human rights in the country, and these are defined in Article 2(2) of the same proclamation:
Ethiopian Charities” or “Ethiopian Societies” shall mean those Charities or Societies that are formed under the laws of Ethiopia, all of whose members are Ethiopians; generate income from Ethiopia and wholly controlled by Ethiopians. However, they may be deemed as Ethiopian Charities or Ethiopian Societies if they use not more than ten percent of their funds which is received from foreign sources[1]
It also stipulates that Ethiopian Charities or Societies generate 90% of their funds locally. This of course is well-nigh impossible in that poor country where about 40% of its population live below the UN poverty lines. As a result, the legislation has critically hampered the work of human rights organizations and their activism in Ethiopia.
Subsequent to the funding and other restrictions, more than 17 organizations have changed their mandate and ceased working on human rights. The Human Rights Council (EHRCO) and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA) are examples of how the Law negatively impacted on human rights activism in Ethiopia. EHRCO, prominent human right organization established in 1991, reduced its staff by 75 percent and closed its offices and branches from 12 to 9.  Similarly, the EWLA, the only Women’s right organization working on advocacy for women’s rights, cut its staff by 70 percent and except for volunteers offering free legal aid to women, it suspended its work during 2010-2011. EWLA had been reaching thousands of women with its free legal aid in different regions of Ethiopia. It also had advocated law reforms such as the Ethiopian Family Law Code to improve women’s rights. The bank accounts of both EHRCO and EWLA were frozen by the Ethiopian government with allegations that their funds were generated from foreign sources.[2]
Regardless of calls by different international commissions on human rights for its amendment, the CSP law is still untouched. It is still obstructing human right activism, including the monitoring of information on human rights. Coupled with the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and the subsequent harassments of human right defenders by the government in power, the Charities and Societies law has created fear. Ethiopians are no longer able to criticize violations of human and women’s rights.

As an Ethiopian women’s rights organization, the Center for the rights of Ethiopian Women (CREW) opposes the Charities and Societies Proclamation. CREW advocates against women’s and human right abuses perpetrated from any position of power, familial, governmental or other. Ethiopia is rampant with gender discrimination, violence against women, early marriage, female genital mutilations and other serious human right abuses. It is of paramount importance to have civil Society Organizations (CSOs) that engage in consciousness raising and defence of the respect of universal human, women and child rights. CREW, therefore, strongly calls for the amendment of the Charities and Societies Proclamation.

The stifling CSP and legal environment in Ethiopia has made activism on women’s and human rights increasingly scanty. New developments are making CSO activism on women’s right crucial more than ever before in Ethiopia. Of crucial consideration in this regard are the plight of our sisters in the Middle East, and the shocking trend of gang rape of Ethiopian women and young girls, such as the recent tragedy of fifteen year-old Hanna Lalango. There is no tangible activism and education on stopping future gang rape. The only exceptional are the Addis Ababa University Yellow movement and the efforts of a few individual activist women and men. Unless respecting the rights of women is promoted in Ethiopia, it will be very difficult to challenge the contemporary culture of violence and discrimination against women. It is necessary to have fully operational organizations that promote human rights and women’s rights.

The urgency to amend the Charities and Societies Law is beyond this dire need for the promotion of CSOs that work on human and women’s rights. It includes an imperative need for realizing a viable political environment in which to advocate for and provide legal aid. Aside from enabling gathering and disseminating information on violence of rights, a viable political environment allows for the very crucial empowerment of CSO advocacy for fair and free elections and political rights.  Amending the Charities and Societies Law, as well as the Anti-Terrorism Law, will diminish the alarming scenario of elections-rigging. Though this is not a new phenomenon in Ethiopia, enabling the work of CSOs will alleviate a worsening political scenario during the approaching 2015 elections.

At its 4th annual international conference on March 7, 2015, the Center for Rights of Ethiopian Women (CREW) plans to consider the role of civil society organizations in the upcoming elections in Ethiopia. The main objective is to create an understanding of the magnitude of the negative impacts of the Societies and Charities Law on the activities of nongovernmental organizations. As a women’s civil society organization, CREW will also pay special attention to Ethiopian women’s participation in the political process. Thus, one of the major questions that the conference will address will be the role of women’s organizations in mobilizing women to use their rights towards fair and free elections.  Civil Society organizations are crucial in this process.



[1] Charities and Societies Proclamation of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
[2] The 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation as a serious obstacle to the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights in Ethiopia: Amnesty International’s written statement to the 20th session of the UN Human Rights Council
- See more at: http://www.zehabesha.com/charities-societies-proclamation-impact-human-rights-womens-rights-activism-ethiopia/#sthash.lszQw6Q3.dpuf

Boycotting Ethiopian National Elections: Damn if You Do, Damn if You Don’t!

Messay Kebede
I maintain that the upcoming elections will be a turning point for Ethiopia, not because they will result in a major change of policy subsequent to a renovation of the ruling elite but because the absence of change will compel opposition groups to reassess their strategies and the country as a whole will plunge further into the abyss of despair. While most reasonable people and opposition parties never contemplated the possibility of wining the elections and becoming the new ruling majority, nevertheless the expectation was—since the death of Meles Zenawi—for some opening, however narrow, to accommodate opposition groups. In light of the prevailing heightened repression and disqualification of some opposition parties from the competition by concocting bogus charges, the expectation proved utterly naïve. It is now patently clear that the EPRDF will use all available means to preserve the status quo indefinitely.
election-2007
Opposition parties are already variously reacting to the perceived decision to exclude them once again. Some are making their participation conditional on the change of policy of the National Election Board toward a neutral stand guaranteeing a level of playing field. Others have decided to participate regardless of the prevailing conditions because they believe that nothing can be achieved by shunning the elections. Still others seem undecided or are waiting for the development of the situation before taking a definitive stance. This article analyzes the cons and pros of participating in the upcoming elections with the view of showing the realistic alternative that emerges from taking part in the elections or boycotting them.
Let us state plainly the emerging quandary. Admittedly, the goal of participation is not to win, not because the regime is popular and has the allegiance of the majority of voters, but because it will use threat, harassment, deceit, and even violence to retain its present position, which is that only one parliament member is representing the opposition. The opposition may even lose this one seat or add some more, but the retention of an overwhelming majority will be the inevitable outcome of the elections. If so, why then participate when there is no the slightest opportunity to perform better?
Expected Gains from Participation
Those who opt for participation argue that winning has many forms. Indeed, elections, even if they are unwinnable, provide a good opportunity to denounce the regime. They supply a convenient platform to openly expose the failures and injustice of the regime at a time when popular attention and expectations are activated by the government’s own propaganda and its desire for renewed legitimacy. Exposing the regime is a vital component of nonviolent opposition. It is inconsistent to stay away from elections because the regime in place does not allow a fair playing field even as the purpose of peaceful struggle is, precisely, to mobilize voters to protest against the unfair conditions of political competition. Only such protests can bring about change, not boycott.
Parties that participate in elections find a good opportunity to promote themselves and make their program known to the public. Not only does participation help the recruitment of new members, but it also engages the party in the typical task of organizing and mobilizing the people. A party that is absent from the battle field on the pretext that conditions are highly unfavorable does not deserve to be called an opposition party, all the more so as it came into existence primarily to fight for the democratic opening of the political system.
To encourage people to oppose the regime, it is imperative to show the availability of an alternative program. If people are not exposed to the ideas of a viable organization and alternative policy, their legitimate fear of the unknown, including the possibility of a chaos, will prevail over their frustrations and make them stick to the status quo. Nothing extends more the life of unpopular governments than the lack of an alternative: such governments will always claim that the opposition is fearful to participate because it is too weak or has no viable rival program. And nothing shortens more their existence than the presence of a party that continues to fight against all odds. So that, in willingly participating in elections that are decided in advance, the opposition party demonstrates its full commitment, thereby changing its alleged weakness into the strength of steadfastness.
There is no telling in advance whether participation does not result in the gain of some seats. However limited, seats in the parliament offer the opportunity of voicing opposition from within the system, not so much to change the ongoing policy as to give more credibility to the availability of an alternative path. Parliamentary representation officializes opposition in the eyes of the people as well as of the government, forcing the latter to respond to criticisms instead of simply dismissing them as the views of outcasts.
To sum up, participation in elections, even when they are completely unfair, is not devoid of appreciable gains. In addition to being consistent with the choice of nonviolent opposition, it provides a much needed forum for opposition parties to convey their messages, mobilize voters, and strengthen their standing. By contrast, the rejection of elections until acceptable conditions emerges is defeatist and inconsistent with peaceful opposition, not to mention that it obtains and change nothing.
Expected Gains from Non-Participation
Naturally, those who favor boycotting the elections are not without some expectations of gains as well. To the extent that their decision is a political one, it must contain the possibility of advancing their cause in some way. So what do they expect to achieve in shining the elections?
Their main argument is that non-participation of opposition parties deprives the government of the legitimacy that it seeks by organizing these elections. Participating without the chance of winning even one seat is nothing but a free gift to the government. In advertising the pitiful result of the opposition, the government will have the easy game of declaring a crushing victory and portraying the opposition as irrelevant, nonexistent.
To take part under the existing conditions is to encourage the government to continue the same electoral policy. The only leverage that opposition parties have is that the government wants popular legitimacy by all means so that it is suicidal to give it up for what is nothing but a staged show to fool the Ethiopian people as well as the international community. Since opposition parties cannot expect anything unless existing conditions change, the kind of pressure liable to yield some results is precisely to make their participations conditional on some concessions on the part of the government. For this pressure to succeed, there is one and only one condition: the boycott must be unanimous and firm.
Experience teaches us that taking part in the elections under existing conditions will not result in any gain of parliamentary seat. Recall what happened to the All Ethiopian Unity Party in the 2010 elections: it broke away from the rest of the opposition by agreeing to participate without any tangible reforms of the electoral process only to find out that it was unable to secure even one seat despite its undeniable popularity in the Amhara region. What is more, opposition parties that already had some seats were completely wiped out. Obviously, the refusal of the government to make changes in the electoral process is motivated by a deliberate policy of expulsion of the opposition, and not by the precaution of having a sizeable majority.
As to exposing the anti-democratic nature of the regime, what else is more resoundingly revealing it than the refusal to participate in fake elections? By openly stating that participation depends on the creation of a level playing field, opposition parties do their primary job, namely, the presentation of reasonable and expected demands that normally go along with the very idea of holding elections. If elections do not have a minimum of fairness, they cease to be elections and turn into an exercise of canonization. The least that opposition parties can do is to put an end to this quinquennial farce.
Critical Assessment
What is striking about the above position is the belief that the refusal to participate puts pressure on the government. It would have been so if the opposition were united and the boycott unanimous. But to expect unity and a unanimous position is to assume solved the very problem that keeps the TPLF in power. Those who speaks of pressure put the cart before the horse by forgetting that the persistence of the hegemony of the TPLF is due to the success of its divide-and-rule policy, essentially manifested by the ethnicization of Ethiopia. Moreover, I do not remember a case where this government changed its opinion because of popular protests, let alone because of complaints from opposition parties. In other words, as hard as it may seem to accept, opposition parties have no leverage on this government.
True, the government wants legitimacy, but it can obtain it in various ways. For instance, it can force people to vote in great number so as to compensate the lack of opposition parties with a massive popular endorsement. Dictatorial regimes have practiced and refined this method for quite some time. If at all costs the presence of an opposition is required, the government can create fake opposition parties or divide existing parties by means of threats and bribes. This should not come as a surprise since the government has already given us the taste of such methods, just as it is presently doing it by prohibiting two major opposition parties, namely, Unity for Democracy and Justice Party and All Ethiopian Unity Party.
Given these available recourses, we can say that the government wants legitimacy, but not to the point of making concessions to the opposition. All the more reason for saying so is that legitimacy is essentially sought to shore up its international reputation, especially in the eyes of donor countries. Unfortunately, we have seen time and again that foreign countries, including democratic countries, are more interested in doing business than in denouncing and punishing undemocratic regimes.
To demand repeatedly for something and repeatedly obtain nothing, to the extent that it reveals the absence of leverage on the government, is easily construed as a demonstration of insurmountable weakness and inability to emerge as an alternative. What else can the people conclude from this constant failure to put pressure on the government but the utter weakness and irrelevance of the opposition? Since the opposition cannot extract the slightest concession from the government, there is no reason for the people to side with the opposition and become the target of government retaliation. Voting for the government may not bring change but at least it protects against retaliation.
As a matter of fact, neither participation nor boycott adds anything to the goal of denunciation for the simple reason that the anti-democratic nature of the regime has long ceased to be a mystery to foreigners or natives. If we still find Ethiopians who are not aware of its real nature, such people are better left alone since they are either irremediably apolitical or indifferent to what is going around them.
What about mobilization and organization? Does participation, as claimed by those opposing boycott, serve to strengthen opposition parties? It would have been so if the government would allow freedom of expression and organization. Such disposition would mean that the government is ready to face opposition in a level playing ground. But the very dilemma over participation stems from the knowledge that the government will not allow a condition of fair competition, that it will paralyzed the opposition by restrictions, harassments, and imprisonments, not to mention the silencing of the free press. To expect the strengthening of the opposition as a result of participation is just a wishful thinking.
The likely outcome being that participation will not bring any result, it removes the grounds for complaint about the lack of democracy. Your participation was a defiance intent on showing that you can pierce the barrier of exclusion. Your failure to do so only exposes your weakness and irrelevance. The aim of the government is not to show its strength by winning elections; rather, it is to display overtly that it has no real rivals worthy of that name. It does not want to win majority votes; it wants to ridicule the opposition by a crushing victory, thereby showing that there is no alternative to its rule. The proper analogy expressing Ethiopian elections is two soccer teams competing with the players of one of the teams being blindfolded.
In fact, a clear pattern emerges from the manner the government deals with opposition parties. Plainly, the government steps up its repressive power when it confronts unitary parties, such as the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party and All Ethiopian Unity Party, while being more tolerant of opposition parties with an ethnic banner. In ruthlessly repressing unitary parties, the government wants to bring about their final demise. The relative tolerance of the government to ethnicized opposition parties is, for sure, due to the perception of some affinity with its own policy; more importantly, however, it originates from the conviction that ethnic parties, fragmented as they are, can never become a threat to the hegemony of the TPLF. Add to this that it is simply easy to create hostility between these parties and reduce them to the permanent status of a negligible opposition.
The real threat, if fair elections were held, comes from unitary parties, as demonstrated by the success of Kinijit in 2005. In the eyes of the TPLF, Ethiopian nationalist parties cannot be allowed to grow, for the real enemy to its hegemony–which rests on the efficient implementation of divide-and-rule policy–is none other than Ethiopian nationalism. It is amazing that more than 20 years of uninterrupted attack and stifling have not succeeding in weakening Ethiopian nationalism. It has become the forbidden fruit: the more you want to muffle it, the more people want it.
Who Wins?
What springs from all is clear enough: opposition parties, whether they participate or not, lose in that none of the projected goals ascribed to participation or boycott is achievable. Neither participation nor boycott affects the standing of the government or the state of opposition parties in any meaningful way. Does this mean that the government win?
One thing is sure: after the elections, the government will not be better off. Not only will it face the same problems, but also its intransigence and repressive policy will heighten popular frustration and instill the sense of a political deadlock in the county. In other words, there is no winner, but only a huge loser, namely, nonviolent, peaceful opposition. Seeing the complete ineffectiveness of participation or boycott, people, especially the young, are increasingly bound to question the wisdom of peaceful opposition. The more repression continues, the more the deadlock over the possibility of change thickens, and the higher becomes the disposition toward uprising as the only alternative left. This is the iron law of all social blockage: Ethiopia will not be an exception.
When uprising becomes the only way out, young activists go underground or join armed struggle. Exciting nonviolent parties, too, to the extent that they are serious about the struggle for change, will be compelled to have a hard look at their strategy. Even if they continue to operate in a legal manner, it is no longer to win seats in the parliament. Instead, they anticipate uprising and hope to take its leadership when it erupts. Without doubt, the present attitude of the TPLF gives Ethiopians no other choice than revolution with, alas, the unpredictable but certainly severe and uncontrollable consequences that confrontation or civil war will have in present-day Ethiopia. Ethiopians, gear up for the worst!
- See more at: http://www.zehabesha.com/boycotting-ethiopian-national-elections-damn-damn-dont-2/#sthash.EywEaVJp.dpuf

Elections and Revolutionary Democracy in Ethiopia. By Semahagn Gashu Abebe - See more at: http://www.zehabesha.com/elections-revolutionary-democracy-ethiopia/#sthash.fwxTYVU7.dpuf

By Semahagn Gashu Abebe
The decision of the Ethiopian Election Board that bans the two major Ethiopian opposition political parties on Thursday 29 January 2015 is a shocking news though it was not entirely unexpected. The legal ownership of the two parties is now transferred to factional groups splitted from the two popular parties. The banned Andinet and the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP) are dominant political groups expected to perform well in challenging the ruling TPLF/EPRDF regime during the upcoming general election in May 2015. When asked by media outlets about the decision of the Election Board that banned his party, Ato Asrat Tasse, a leading figure in Andinet party, said “ Today is the end of multi-party democracy in Ethiopia.” Hearing such a statement from a prominent personality who has been active in the political struggle is astonishing. His statement gives the impression that there was a political space that accommodates multi-party democracy in the country until the regime outlawed Andinet yesterday. Such an assumption is utterly wrong. The political reality of the country in the last two decades has been diametrically opposite to the statement made by Ato Asrat Tasse. There has never been any meaningful political commitment on part of the regime for upholding the merits of multi-party democracy in the country.
This is closely related to the ideology of TPLF/EPRDF which is instrumental in maintaining the party’s grip on power. Though TPLF/EPRDF is formally committed to a ‘stable multi-party democratic system’, its decision-making, organisational principles and discourse reflect the Marxist-Leninist philosophy that has guided the TPLF since its foundation in 1975. Particularly, the revolutionary democracy ideology pursued by TPLF/EPRDF does not in principle permit competitive elections. The major consideration of revolutionary democracy is that liberal democracy is not relevant under the social, economic and political conditions prevailing in Ethiopia. TPLF/EPRDF claims that Ethiopia needs a ‘popular’ democracy that continually engage the public in development. This ‘popular’ ideology is branded as revolutionary democracy. According to this ideology, the participation of the public in the decision-making process takes the form of informing the public about the decision of the elite party leaders instead of the people having the sovereign decision-making power. The other characteristic of revolutionary democracy is that it does not permit the existence of independent institutions. In accordance with the merits of revolutionary democracy, political power needs to be centralised within one centralised administrative organ. This implies that the opposition parties can compete in elections but they are not allowed to assume political power. Rather they are always presented as anti-people and enemies of the country. Revolutionary democracy has been extensively used to inflict various repressive measures against opposition party members that include extra-judicial killings, imprisonment and intimidation. Under such political context, the rhetoric about multi-party democracy and free and fair elections in Ethiopia is simply a myth. Rather, democratic Ethiopia will only be established on the grave of revolutionary democracy. UNTIL THEN KEEP CALM SINCE THERE WILL NEVER BE FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS UNDER REVOLUTIONARY DEMOCRACY!!
- See more at: http://www.zehabesha.com/elections-revolutionary-democracy-ethiopia/#sthash.fwxTYVU7.dpuf

በክልሎች የሚገኙ የአንድነት አመራሮች ጽ/ቤታቸውን በአቶ ትእግስቱ ለሚመራው ቡድን እንዳያስረክቡ ተጠየቁ

ጥር ፳፪(ሃያ ሁለት) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-በአቶ በላይ ፍቃዱ የሚመራውና  በምርጫ ቦርድ ዕውቅና የተነፈገው የአንድነት አመራር ጥር 29 ቀን 2007 ዓም የብሄራዊ ምክር ቤት ሰብሰባ ለማካሄድ እንዲሁም ከቀኑ 9፡00 ሰዓት ቀበና በሚገኘው ቢሮ ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ ለመስጠት ቀጠሮ ተይዞ የነበረ ቢሆንም፣ ቢሮው በፖሊስ በድንገት በመከበቡ ሳይሳካ ቀርቷል። የብሄራዊ ምክር ቤቱ ሰብሳቢ አቶ አበበ አካሉ ለኢሳት እንደገለጹት ስብሰባውን ለማካሄድ ታስቦ የነበረው በሂደት ስለሚወሰዱት እርምጃዎች ለመነጋገር ቢሆንም  በፖሊስ ህገወጥ ድርጊት የተነሳ አልተሳካም። ይሁን እንጅ በክልሎች የሚገኙ የአንድነት አመራሮችና አባላት ጽህፈት ቤቶቻቸውን የኢህአዴግ ተለጣፊ ናቸው ላሉዋቸው አቶ ትእግስቱ አወሉ ሰዎች እንዳያስረክቡ ትእዛዝ መተላለፉን ተናግረዋል።
አንድነት ከመታገዱ በፊት የፊታችን እሁድ ጥር 24 ቀን 2007 ዓ.ም ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ለማካሄድ ጥሪ አስተላልፎ ዝግጅት እያደረገ የነበረ ሲሆን በተመሳሳይ ቀንም በደሴ ከተማ የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ለማካሄድ እየተዘጋጀ ነበር፡፡
ፓርቲው ዕውቅና መነፈጉን ተከትሎ በአንድነት ስም የሚያንቀሳቅሳቸው የሚሊዮኖች ድምጽ እና ፍኖተ ነጻነት ጋዜጦችና ድረገጾች ሕትመትና ስርጭት መቋረጡ የግድ ሆኗል፡፡ በተመሳሳይ መንገድም የመኢአድ ጽህፈት ቤት በፖሊሶች ጥበቃ ስር በመዋሉ ሰራተኞች ስራቸውን ለመስራት አለመቻላቸውን የመኢአድ ዋና ጸሃፊ ተናግረዋል
አንድነትና መኢአድ የምርጫ ቦርድን ትእዛዝ ለሚያከብሩ ሰዎች ተሰጥተዋል ተብሎ በምርጫ ቦርድ ሊቀመንበር ፕ/ር መርጋ በቃና መነገሩ በርካታ ኢትዮጵያውያንን እያነጋገረ ይገኛል።

የአርበኞች ግንቦት7 ሴት አባላት የትግል ጥሪ አቀረቡ

ጥር ፳፪(ሃያ ሁለት) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ገዢውን ፓርቲ በሃይል ለማንበርከክ በትግል ላይ የሚገኙ የአርበኞች ግንቦት7 ሴት አባላት ጥሪያቸውን ያቀረቡት የመስክ ጉብኝት ለማድረግ ለተንቀሳቀሱት የኢሳት ጋዜጠኞች ነው።
ሴት አርበኞቹ በአገሪቱ ውስጥ እየተካሄደ ያለው አፈናና የመብት ጥሰት በስልጣን ላይ ያለውን የህወሃት/ኢህአዴግ መንግስት በሃይል ለማንበርከክ  ነፍጥ እንዲያነሱ እንዳስገደዳቸው ገልጸዋል።
ለሁለት ወራት ያክል ከኢህአዴግ ታጣቂ የሰራዊት አባላት ጋር ጠንካራ ፍልሚያ ስታደርግ ቆይታ በመጨረሻ ምንም ችግር ሳያጋጥማት ሌሎች አርበኞችን ለመቀላቀል መቻሉዋን የገለጸችው አርበኛ ሃብታም ታደሰ፣ ወያኔ ደካማ መሆኑን በጫካ ህይወቴ ለማረጋገጥ ችያለሁ ብላለች።
አርበኛ ሃብታም ገዢውን ሃይል ለማንበርከክ በሚደረገው ትግል  ሴቶች ትግሉን እንዲቀላቀሉ ጥሪ አቅርባለች
ሌላዋ አርበኛ ሰላማዊት ትኩ በበኩሏ ሴቶች የግድ በረሃ መውረድ እንደሌለባቸው ገልጻ፣ ለነጻነት ለሚደረገው ትግል ባሉበት ቦታ ሁሉ ሆነው ሊደግፉ፣ ሊታገሉ ይችላሉ ብላለች።
አርበኛ ሰናይት ወርቅነህም እንዲሁ በኢትዮጵያ ውስት የሚታየው ችግር ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ እየተባባሰ መሄዱን ገልጻ በውጭና በአገር ውስጥ የሚኖሩ ሴቶች ትግሉን ተቀላቅለው ታሪክ የጣለባቸውን ሃላፊነት ይወጡ ስትል መልክት አስተላልፋለች።
የኢሳት የጋዜጠኞች ቡድን ተዘዋውሮ ለመታዘብ እንደቻለው በርካታ ሴቶች ገዢውን ሃይል በመሳሪያ ለማንበርከክ ወስነው እየታገሉ ነው። አርበኞች ግንባርና ግንቦት7 ውህደት ከፈጸሙ በሁዋላ ከሌሎች ሃይሎች ጋር ትብብር እና ጥምረት በመፍጠር ገዢውን ፓርቲ  በሃይል ለማንበርከክ እንደሚሰሩ መግለጻቸው መዘገቡ ይታወሳል።
በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ የቀድሞ የሀገር መከላከያ ሰራዊት አርበኞች ማህበር በአርበኞች ግንባርና በግንቦት7 መካከል የተፈጸመውን ውህደት በመደገፍ መግለጫ አውጥቷል። ማህበሩ በመግለጫው ኢትዮጵያን ከገባችበት ውድቀት ነጻ ለማውጣት የተናጠል ትግል እንደማያዋጣ በመግለፅ ድርጅቶቹ ያደረጉት ውህደት አስደሳች ነው ብሎአል።

በሰሜን አርማጭሆ ያለው ውጥረት እንደቀጠለ ነው

ጥር ፳፪(ሃያ ሁለት) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :- የኢሳት ምንጮች እንደገለጹት በአማራ እና በትግራይ አዋሳኝ ቦታዎች ካለፉት ሁለት ወራት ጀምሮ የሚታየው ውጥረት እንደቀጠለ ሲሆን፣ ገዢው ፓርቲ የአካባቢውን ህዝብ ለአመጽ ያነሳሳሉ ያላቸውን ሰዎች ለመያዝ መመኮሩ ብዙ ወጣቶች ቀያቸውን እየተዉ እንዲሸፍቱ አስገድዷቸዋል።
የገዢው ፓርቲ ካድሬዎች የአካባቢውን ወጣት እየሰበሰቡ የግንቦት7ትን መመሪያ እያስፈጸማችሁ ነው በማለት እያስፈራሩዋቸው ሲሆን ፣ ነዋሪዎቹ ግን ጥር 16 ባወጡት ያቁዋም መግለጫ  ችግሩ በአስቸኳይ የማይፈታ ከሆነ አመጻቸውን  እንደሚቀጥሉ አስታውቀዋል።
ጥር 22 ደግሞ ብርሃኑ ጀግኔ የተባለ ፋርማሲስት ህዝቡን አስተባብረሃል በሚል በአብርሃ ጅራ ከተማ ተይዞ ቢታሰርም ህዝቡ በአንድነት በሰልፍ በመውጣት እንዲፈታ አድርጓል። የስልክ ኔት ወርክ በአካባቢው ተቋርጦ ከቆየ በሁዋላ ከትናንት ጀምሮ መመለሱን ነዋሪዎች ገልጸዋል።

ምርጫ ቦርድ፣ ቦርዱን ያከብራሉ ያላቸውን በእነ ትግዕስቱ አወሉ ለሚመራው አንድነት እና በእነ አቶ አበባው መሀሪ ለሚመራው መኢአድ ዕውቅና ሰጠ፡፡

ጥር ፳፩(ሃያ አንድ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :- የቦርዱ ሰብሳቢ ፕሮፌሰር መርጋ በቃና እና የቦርዱ ጸሀፊና ጽ/ቤት ሃላፊ አቶ ነጋ ዱፊሳ በጋራ ዛሬ ጥር 21 ከቀኑ 10፡00 ሰኣት በአዲስ አበባ ሒልተን ሆቴል በሰጡት መግለጫ በእነአቶ በላይ ፍቃዱ የሚመራው አንድነት፤ የፓርቲውን ደንብና የምርጫ አዋጁን የጣሱ ተግባራትን እንደሚያከናውን፣ ፓርቲው ያካሄደውን ጉባዔ ለሰባት ወራት ሳያሳውቀው መቆየቱን፣ የቀድሞ ፕሬዚደንት ከሃላፊነታቸው የተነሱት ሕጉን ጠብቆ አለመሆኑን፣ ፓርቲው ለሁለት ሲከፈል ቦርዱ ልዩነታቸውን በጋራ ለጠቅላላ ጉባዔ አቅርበው እንዲያስወስኑ ቢጠይቅም ፈቃደኛ ሆነው አለመገኘታቸውን ጠቅሰዋል።
በአንጻሩ የአንድነት ፓርቲን ሕግና ደንብ አክብረው ተንቀሳቅሰዋል፣ ጠቅላላ ጉባዔ አካሄደዋል  ላላቸው ለአቶ ትግእስቱ አወል ቡድን ዕውቅና እንዲሰጥ ቦርዱ በዛሬው እለት ባካሄደው ስብሰባ በሙሉ ድምጽ ወስኖል ብለዋል፡፡ ቦርዱ በመግለጫው፣ የፓርቲውን ህልውና ለማስቀጠልና ወደ ምርጫ የሚገባ ፓርቲ ስለሚያስፈልግ ፣ የእነ አቶ በላይ በፈቃዱ ቡድን በርካታ የህግ ጥሰቶችን የፈጸመና እየፈጸመ የሚገኝ በመሆኑ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ የእነ አቶ ትእግስቱ አወሉ ቡድን ህግን በማክበር ለመንቀሳቀስ ጥረት እያደረገ ያለ በመሆኑ፣ ይህንን ፓርቲ ለመምራት ቦርዱ እውቅና ሰጥቷል ብሎአል። እነ አቶ ትእግስቱ አወሉ አንድነትን በመምራት ወደ ምርጫው እንዲገቡ ፈቃድ መስጠቱን ቦርዱ አስታውቋል
መኢአድንም በተመለከተ በአቶ ማሙሸት የሚመራውን ቡድን  በ2003 ዓ.ም ከፓርቲው አባልነት የተሰረዙ፣የ አባልነት መዋጮ ያልከፈሉ መሆናቸውን፣ ጠቅላላ ጉባኤ ሲያካሂዱም የቦርዱ ተወካይ ያልተገኘ ነበር በሚል ለቀድሞ ፕሬዚደንት ለአቶ አበባው መሐሪ ዕውቅና ይገባቸዋል ሲል ወስኖአል፡፡ መኢአድን በተመለከተ ደግሞ የእነ አቶ ማሙሸት አማረ ቡድን የምርጫ ህጉን የጣሱ በመሆኑ እውቅና አይገባቸውም በማለት አቶ አበባው መሃሪ የመኢአድ መሪ ሆነው በምርጫው እንዲሳተፉ ወስኗል።
የአሜሪካ ድምጽ ሬዲዮ ጋዜጠኛው አቶ መለስካቸው አምሃ ” የእነ አቶ ትእግስቱ አወሉ ቡድን በአብዛኛው አባላት ለመመረጣቸው ማስረጃ አላችሁን? መራጮችስ የአንድነት አባላት መሆናቸው በምን ይታወቃል?” በሚል ላቀረበው ጥያቄ፣ የምርጫ ቦርድ ሊቀመንበር ፕ/ር መርጋ በቃና ” ሁለቱን ቡድኖች ግድፈቶች እንዳሉባቸውና የማመዛዘን ስራ መሰራቱን እንዲሁም ለቦርዱ ታዛዥ ለሆነው አካል መወሰኑን ተናግረዋል
ጉዳዩን በማስመልከት ጥያቄ የቀረበላቸው የአንድነት ፓርቲ የህዝብ ግንኙነት ሃለፊ አቶ አስራት አብርሃ፣ ድርጅቱን ለማፍረስ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳኔ መሰጠቱን ገልጸው፣ ስራ አስፈጻሚውና ምክር ቤቱ  ተሰብስቦ ውሳኔ እንደሚአሳልፍ አክለዋል ቀደም ሲል ቦርዱ ሁለቱ ፓርቲዎች ችግሮቻቸውን በጋራ ጠቅላላ ጉባኤ አካሂደው እንዲፈቱ መመሪያ የሰጠ ሲሆን ይህ ባለመፈጸሙ አሁንም በድጋሚ በጋራ ስብሰባውን እንዲያካሂዱ የሁለት ሳምንት ጊዜ መስጠቱ ይታወሳል፡፡ ሆኖም በጋራ ስብሰባው ባልተካሄደበት ሁኔታ ለአንድ ወገን ዕውቅና መስጠቱ ውሳኔው ፖለቲካዊ እንደሚያደርገው ጉዳን የተከታተሉ ወገኖች እየገለጹ ነው፡፡
የቦርዱ ሰብሳቢ ከመግለጫው በሁዋላ አንድ ጥያቄ ብቻ ተቀብለው ሌላ አልቀበልም በማለት ተቻኩለው አዳራሹን ለቀው ወጥተዋል፡፡ ፕሮፌሰሩ መግለጫ በሚሰጥበት ወቅት የመደናገጥና ያለመረጋጋት ስሜት ፊታቸው ላይ ይነበብ ነበር፡፡ አንድነት ፓርቲ የተሰጣቸው የእነ ትግስቱ ቡድን፣ እንዲሁም መኢአድ የተሰጣቸው የእነ አበባው መሃሪ ቡድን በአሁኑ ወቅት ሁለቱንም ፓርቲዎች ወክሎ ጽ/ቤት ከሚገኘው የፓርቲ አመራር ጋር አለመግባባት በመፍጠራቸው በውጭ የሚገኙ መሆናቸው ይታወቃል፡፡

መንግስት ከምርጫው በፊት አፈናውን ያቆማል የሚለው ተስፋ መሟጠጡን ሂውማን ራይተስ ወች አስታወቀ

ጥር ፳፩(ሃያ አንድ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :- ድርጅቱ ባወጣው የ2014 አለማቀፍ የሰብአዊ መብት አያያዝ ሪፖርት ላይ እንደጠቀሰው መንግስት ጋዜጠኞችን፣ ጸሃፊዎችን እና  የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ ደጋፊዎችን እንደፈለገ  ያስራል፣ በሰላም ተቃውሞአቸውን ለመግለጽ በወጡ ዜጎች ላይ ፖሊስ የሃይል እርምጃ ይወስዳል፤ እንዲሁም ለማፈኛነት እየዋሉ ያሉትን በአለማቀፍ ማህበረሰብ ዘንድ የተወገዙትን አዋጆችን ለመለወጥ ምንም ምልክት አላሳየም ብሎአል።
ባለፈው አመት የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ማንኛውንም ተቃውሞ ለማፈን መሞከሩን የገለጹት የሂውማን ራይትስ ወች የአፍሪካ ምክትል ዳይሬክተር ሌስሌ ሌፍኮው፣ ጋዜጠኞችና ተቃዋሚዎች ከሁሉም በባሰ እንደተሰቃዩና ከመጪው ምርጫ በፊት ሁኔታዎች ይሻሻላሉ የሚለው ተስፋ ሙሉ በሙሉ እንደተዳፈነ ገልጸዋል።
ኢትዮጵያ እየፈጸመች ያለችው አስከፊ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰትን የለጋሽ አጋራትን አለመተቸታቸውን  ሂውማን ራይትስ ወች በሪፖርቱ አመልክቷል።ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ የተቃውሞ ሰልፎችን እንዳያደረግ መከልከሉ፣ በኦሮምያ ክልል በሚያዚያና ግንቦት ወሮች የጸጥታ ሃይሎች ከፍተኛ ጉዳት ማድረሳቸው፣ የግንቦት7 ዋና ጻሀፊ አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ጽጌ ህገወጥ በሆነ መንገድ የመን ውስጥ ተይዘው መሰጠታቸውና የታሰሩበት ቦታ አለመታወቁንም ገልጿል።
ዞን 9 እየተባሉ የሚጠሩ ጸሃፊዎች በጸረ ሽብር ህግ መከሰሳቸውን፣ የ6 ጋዜጣ አሳተሚዎች በተመሳሳይ ወነጀል መከሰሳቸውን የጠቀሰው ሂማውን ራይትስ ወች፣ መንግስት ዌብሳይቶችን መዝጋቱን እንዲሁም ስልኮችን በመጥለፍ መረጃዎችን እንደሚያሰባሰብ አትቷል።
በኦሞ ሸለቆ አካባቢ በርካታ ዜጎች ያለፍላጎታቸውና ተገቢው ካሳ ሳይከፈላቸው እንደሚፈናቀሉም ድርጅቱ አስታውቋል። መንግስት ተደጋጋሚ ወቀሳና ትችት ቢደርስበትም የጸረ ሽብር ህጉንና መንግስታዊ ያልሆኑ ድርጀቶችን ለመቆጣጠር የወጣውን ህግ ለመቀየር ፈቃደና አለመሆኑን የጠቀሰው ሂውማን ራይትስ ወች፣ የመንግስትን የልማት እቅድ የተቹ ሰዎች እስራትና ወከባ እንደሚያጋጥማቸው አትቷል።
መንግስት ሃሳብን በነጻነት የመግለጽ መብትን ማፈኑ በመጪው ምርጫ ላይ አሉታዊ ተጽኖ እንደሚኖረው ሌስሌ ሌፍኮው ተናግረዋል። ሂማን ራይትስ ወች በ656 ገጽ ሪፖርቱ በአለም ዙሪያ ያሉ የ90 አገራት የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን ቃኝቷል።

ሄሊኮፕተር በመያዝ ወደ ሶስተኛ አገር የጠፉት የአየር ሃይል ባልደረቦች በመልካም ሁኔታ ላይ እንደሚገኙ ገለጹ

ጥር ፳(ሃያ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :- ባለፈው ወር ሄሊኮፕተር ይዘው የጠፉት ሻምበል ሳሙኤል ግደይ፣  መቶ አለቃ ቢልልኝ ደሳለኝ እና ቴክኒሻን ጸጋ ብርሃን ግደይ በተረጋጋ እና በጥሩ ሁኔታ ላይ እንደሚገኙ ለኢሳት ገልጸዋል።
ፓይለቶቹ በሚገኙበት ሶስተኛ አገር ውስጥ ሆነው ከኢሳት ጋር ግንኙነት የመሰረቱ ሲሆን፣ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ለሚደረገው የነጻነት ትግል አስተዋጽኦ ለማድረግ መዘጋጃታቸውን ተናግረዋል።
ሶስታችንም በአንድ ላይ የምንመደብበትን ጊዜ ስንጠብቅ ቆይተን ነበር ያሉት ፓይለቶቹ፣ አጋጣሚው ሲፈጠርላቸው ቀደም ብሎ ባወጡት እቅድ መሰረት መጥፋታቸውን ገልጸዋል።
ጉዞአቸውን ወደ ሶስተኛ አገር በሚያደርጉበት ወቅት ከራዳር እይታ ውጭ ለመሆን እስከ 10 ሜትር ድረስ ዝቅ ብለው መብረራቸውን የገለጹት ፓይለቶቹ፣ ካሰቡበት ቦታ ሲደርሱ ነዳጃቸው ማለቁን ተናግረዋል።
ለምን ወጣችሁ ተብለው የተጠየቁት ፓይለቶቹ፣ በአየር ሃይል ውስጥ የሚታየው ዘረኝነት፣ አድልዎና የአስተዳደር መበላሸት ይህን ውሳኔ እንዲወስኑ እንዳስገደዳቸው ገልጸዋል።
እድሉ ቢገኝ አብዛኛው የአየር ሃይል አባል ስርአቱን ትተው ለመውጣት ዝግጁ መሆናቸውን ፓይለቶቹ ገልጸዋል። ፓይለቶቹ ሁኔታዎችን አመቻችተው ለኢሳት ቃለምልልስ እንደሚሰጡ ተናግረዋል።
በሌላ ዜና ደግሞ የኢሳት የጋዜጠኞች  ኤርትራ በተገኙበት ወቅት በተለያዩ ወራት ኤርትራ የተገኙነትን በርካታ የአየር ሃይል አባላት አነጋግረዋል።
የሱ 27 እና የሚግ 23 አብራሪዎችን ጨምሮ በርካታ የተዋጊ ሄሊኮፕተር ፓይለቶች ኤርትራ ከሚገኙ የተቃዋሚ ሃይሎች ጋር በመቀላለቀል በመታገል ላይ ናቸው። ኢሳት ከፓይለቶች ጋር ያደረገውን ቀለምልልስ በቅርቡ ይለቃል።

ዞን ዘጠኝ በሚል ስም የሚጠሩት ወጣት ጸሃፊዎች ፍርድ ቤት ቀረቡ

ጥር ፳(ሃያ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ነገረ ኢትዮጵያ እንደዘገበው ጥር 20 ቀን 2007 ዓ.ም ለ16ኛ ጊዜ በፌደራሉ ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤት ልደታ ምድብ 19ኛ ወንጀል ችሎት የቀረቡት ጸሃፊዎች፣ ፍርድ ቤቱ ቀደም ብሎ ተሻሻለ የተባለውን ክስ አይቶ ብይን ሰጥቷል፡፡
የፌደራል አቃቤ ህግ አሻሽየዋለሁ ያለውን ክስ ከአንዱ ነጥብ በስተቀር ሦስቱን መቀበሉን ፍርድ ቤቱ ገልጿል።
በክሱ ላይ ‹ቡድን› በሚል የተጠቀሰው ነጥብ ተከሳሾቹ በህቡ ያቋቋሙት ቡድን መሆኑን ፍርድ ቤቱ ተገንዝቧል ያለው ችሎቱ፣ የቡድኑ አጠቃላይ ሁኔታ በቀጣዩ በክርክር ወቅት በማስረጃ የሚረጋገጥ አልያም ውድቅ ሊሆን የሚችል ስለሆነ በክሱ ላይ መካተቱ ተገቢነቱን ተቀብሎታል ሲል ዘግቧል።
‹‹ተከሳሾች ከ2004 ጀምሮ እጃቸው እስከተያዘበት ጊዜ ድረስ በሀገር ውስጥና በውጭ ሀገራት በግንቦት 7 አመቻችነት ስልጠና መውሰዳቸውን በተሻሻለው ክስ ተመልክቷል፡፡ ፍርድ ቤቱ የሰጠውን ብይን ተከትሎ ተከሳሾቹ ከጠበቆቻቸው ጋር ተመካክረው በክሱ ላይ ‹‹የእምነት ክህደት ቃል ይሰጡ ከሆነ›› ውሳኔያቸውን እንዲያሳውቁ ለማክሰኞ ጥር 26/2007 ዓ.ም) ችሎት እንዲቀርቡ ውሳኔ አስተላልፏል፡፡

አንድነት በመጪው እሁድ የጠራው ሰልፍ ውጥረት ፈጥራል

ጥር ፳(ሃያ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :- የአንድነት ፓርቲ ለእሁድ ጥር 24 በደሴ ለሚያካሄደው ሰልፍ ከከተማው አስተዳዳር እውቅና ያገኘ ሲሆን ፤ የአዲስ አበባው ግን እያወዛገበ ይገኛል።
ከፓርቲው ጽህፈት ቤት የወጣው መረጃ እንደሚያሳየው በደሴ ሰልፉ  አራዳ አከባቢ ከሚገኘው የአንድነት ቢሮ ተነስቶ  ሆጤ አደባባይ ይጠናቀቃል።
ከ2: 00 ሰ ዓት  እስከ 7:00 ሰዓት በሚቆየው በዚህ ሰልፍ ፤የደሴና የአከባቢዋ ህዝብ በነቂስ በመውጣት ምርጫ ቦርድና ገዥው ፓርቲ በ አንድነት ላይ እየፈጸሙት ያለውን ደባ ያወግዛል ተብሎ ይጠበቃል ።
አንድነት በመጪው እሁድ በአዲስ አበባ ፣ በባህርዳር ፣ በደብረታቦር እና በሌሎች የክልል ከተሞች ላይ ሰልፍ ለማድረግ በእንቅስቃሴ ላይ እንደሆነ አሳውቋል። አንድነት በአዲስ አበባ በኩባ አደባባይ ለሚያደርገው ሰልፍ መስተዳድሩን ያሳወቀ ቢሆንም፤ እስካሁን ድረስ ከመስተዳድሩ ምንም ምላሽ አልተሰጠውም።
በሀገሪቱ ህግ መሰረት አንድ አካል ሰልፍ ለማድረግ አሳውቆ በ48 ሰዓት ውስጥ በቂ ምላሽ ካልተሰጠው ያ ሰልፍ ህጋዊ እንደሆነ ይቆጠራል። ይሁንና እስካሁን ለፓርቲው ምላሽ ያልሰጠው የአዲስ አበባ አሰተዳደር ፦<<ወደ መዲናዋ እንግዶች ስለሚመጡ  ሰልፍ አይደረግም”በማለት ለሌሎች አካላት መናገሩ ተሰምቷል። የኢሳት ምንጮች  አንድነት  ያስገባውን የሰልፍ ማሳወቂያ ደብዳቤ ተከትሎ በ አዲስ አበባ መስተዳድር ሰራተኞች መካከል አለመግባባት መፈጠሩን ጠቁመዋል።

ሼክ ሙሃመድ አላሙዲን ከባለስልጣናት ጋር ባላቸው ቀረቤታ የህዝብ ሃብት የሆኑ ኩባንያዎችን ወደ ግል እንዲያዞሩ ረድቷቸዋል ተባለ

ጥር ፳(ሃያ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-የፕራይቬታይዜሽንና የመንግስት ልማት ድርጅቶች ተቆጣጣሪ ኤጀንሲ የመንግስት ልማት ድርጅቶችን መሸጥ ከጀመረበት ከ1997 ዓ.ም እስከ 2006 ዓ.ም ድረስ ባሉት ጊዜያት ከሸጣቸው 370 ድርጅቶች መካከል ሼህ አልአሙዲ ወደ 30 የሚጠጉትንና እጅግ አትራፊ የሆኑ ድርጅቶችን በርካሽ ዋጋ መሰብሰብ መቻላቸው ስርአቱ ለተዘፈቀበት ሙስና ማሳያ መሆኑን ጉዳዩን በቅርብ የሚከታተሉ ወገኖች ገልጸዋል።
ሼሁ የለገደንቢን ወርቅ ማዕድን በአሁኑ ወቅት ሚድሮክ ወርቅ ማዕድን ኩባንያ እየተባለ የሚታወቀውን  በ1989 ዓ.ም በብር 1 ቢሊዮን 128 ሚሊዮን 543 ሺ ከ28  ሳንቲም  በመግዛት በእጃቸው አስገብተዋል፡፡ ኩባንያው በ2006 በጀት ዓመት ብቻ ከ100 ሚሊየን ዶላር በላይ የውጭ ምንዛሪ በማስገባቱ ምክንያት ባለፈው ወር የኢትዮጽያ ንግድ ባንክ ሸልሞታል፡፡ ለኢህአዴግ ከፍተኛ ጥቂት አመራሮች ባላቸው ቅርበት የሚታወቁት ሼህ አልአሙዲ ባለፉት 17 ዓመታት
በፕራይቬታይዜሽን ስም በይስሙላ በሚወጡ ጨረታዎች ወሳኝ የሆኑ ኢንዱስትሪዎችንና የእርሻ ድርጅቶችን በርካሽ ዋጋ በእጃቸው ማስገባት እንደቻሉ መረጃዎችን ዋቢ በማድረግ ምንጮች ገልጸዋል፡፡ ከነዚህ ድርጅቶች መካከል በቀድሞ ስማቸው የሚታወቁትን ፔፕሲ ኮላ ፋብሪካዎች፣ ድል ቀለም ፋብሪካ ፣ዋንዛ የእንጨት ውጤቶች ድርጅት፣ ዪኒቨርሳል እና አዋሽ ቆዳ ሁለት ፋብሪካዎች፣ ጎንደር፣ ድሬዳዋ እና ኮምቦልቻ ሶስት የሥጋ ውጤቶች ፋብሪካዎች፣ ለገደንቢ ወርቅ ፋብሪካ፣ አዲስ ጎማ (ሆራይዘን) ፋብሪካ፣ ደብረዘይት ሆራ ራስሆቴል፣ ውሽውሽ ጉመሮ ሻይ ልማትና ገበያ ድርጅት ፣ጎጃም፣ጎንደር፣የላይኛውና የታችኛው  ብር ሸለቆ እርሻ ልማት፣ጎጀብ እርሻ ልማት፣ ጥቁር አባይ ጫማ ፋብሪካ እና የመሳሰሉት ይጠቀሳሉ፡፡
ሼህ አላሙዲን በተለይ ደብረዘይት ሆራ ራስ ሆቴልን እጅግ ርካሽ በሚባል በ9 ሚሊየን ብር በ1990 ዓ.ም ቢገዙም እስከአሁን ምክንያቱ ባልታወቀ ሁኔታ አጥረው ከማስቀመጥ ውጪ ሊሰሩበት አልቻሉም፡፡
ሼህ አልአሙዲን በተለይ እንደእነአቶ በረከት ስምኦን የመሳሰሉ ከፍተኛ የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት ጋር በመቀራረብ የግልና የቤተሰቦቻቸውን የህክምናና መዝናኛ እንዲሁም አንዳንድ ወጪዎችን በመሸፈን፣ እንደቤትና መኪና የመሳሰሉ ውድ ስጦታዎችን በመስጠት ግልጽ የሆነ ሙስና እንደሚፈጽሙ፣ለዚህ ወሮታቸውም የጠየቁትን  የህዝብ ሐብት ያለአንዳች ችግር እንዲወስዱ እንደሚደረግ ምንቾች ገልጸዋል። ሼክ አላሙዲ ከ10 አመት በፊት ኢህአዴግን በመደገፍ በምርጫ ቅስቀሳ መሳተፋቸው ይታወቃል።

አንድነት ፓርቲ በድጋሜ የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ጠራ

ጥር ፲፱(አስራ ዘጠኝ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ፓርቲው ባወጣው መግለጫ ህወሃት /ኢህአዴግ ጥር 17/2007 ዓም በአንድነት አመራሮችና አባላት ላይ ያደረሰውን አሰቃቂ ድብደባ ለማውገዝ እንዲሁም ፓርቲውን ለመቀማት የሚደረገውን ጥረት ለማውገዝ ለጥር 24 በአዲስ አበባና በሌሎች የተለያዩ የክልል ከተሞች ላይ ሰልፍ ለማድረግ ማቀዱን ገልጸሏል።
አምባገነኑ የህወሀት/ኢህአዴግ መንግስት የዘንድሮውን ሀገራዊ ምርጫ ሂደቱንም ጭምር በማበላሸት ጠንክራ የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ከምርጫው ውጪ እንዲሆኑ ለማድረግ ላይ ታች እያለ ነው የሚለው አንደነት ፓርቲ፣  በምርጫ ቦርድ፣ በኢቲቪ እና በሬዲዮ ፋና የሶስትዮሽ ግንባር በመክፈት በህዝቡ ዘንድ ብዥታ እንዲፈጠር፣ ምርጫው ያለጠንካራ ተዋዳደሪ እንዲካሄድ በማድረግ የምርጫውን ዋጋ ቢስነት አረጋግጧል ብሎአል።
አንድነት ፓርቲ በአዲስ አበባ  ለሚካሄደው ሰልፍ ደብዳቤ ማስገባቱን  የፓርቲው የህዝብ ግንኙነት ሃላፊ አቶ አስራት አብርሃ ገልጿል። መስተዳድሩ በእለቱ የአፍሪካ ህብረት ስብሰባ መኖሩን ገልጾ ሰልፉን አለመፍቀዱን ቢያስታውቅም፣ አንድነት ፓርቲ የመስተዳድሩን ሃሳብ አለመቀበሉን አቶ አስራት አክለው ገልጸዋል።
በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ምርጫ ቦርድ የምዝገባ ጣቢያዎች በሰዎች ድርቅ በተመቱበት በዚህ ወቅት ይመዘገባል ብሎ ከሚጠብቀው 35 ሚሊየን መራጭ ውስጥ ባለፉት 14 ቀናት ብቻ ከ28 ሚሊየን በላይ ተመዘገበ ማለቱ አነጋጋሪ ሆኗል።
አንድነትና መኢአድ በምርጫ ቦርድ በተሰራባቸው ሴራ ምክንያት በመጪው ምርጫ የመሳተፋቸው ነገር አጠራጣሪ ሆኖአል፡፡ በመጪው ረቡዕ ወይም ሐሙስ ምርጫ ቦርድ ፓርቲዎቹን ባስቀመጥኩት ቀነ ገደብ መሰረት ማሟላት የሚገባቸውን ነገሮች አላሟሉም በሚል ከምርጫ ተሳትፎ የሚያግድበትን እርምጃ ሊወስድ እንደሚችል መረጃዎች ያመለክታሉ።