ቨርጂኒያን ያስጨነቃት አቶ ወሰኔ አሳየ ተያዘ!

ላለፉት 15ወራት በዲሲና አካባቢው ባንክ ሲዘረፍ ቆይቷል። ‘ባለ ሳይክሉ ሽፍታ’ የሚል ስም የተሰጠው አቶ ወሰኔ አሳየ ሰን ትረስት፣ዋሽንግተን ፈርስት እና ቢቢ እና ቲን ጨምሮ 12 ባንኮችን እንደዘረፈ ታምኖበታል። የቨርጂኒያ ፖሊስ ሲከታተለው የቆየውን ወሰኔ አሰፋ የተያዘው ባለፈው ሳምንት የፌደራል ፖሊስ ምርመራ ቢሮ የስውር ካሜራዎች ላይ በተገጠሙ የስልክ ዳታ ልውውጥ መከታተያ ቴክኖሎጅን ከመረመረ በኋላ ነበር። በዚሁ ምርመራም በሁሉም ዘረፋዎች ላይ የአቶ ወሰኔ አሰፋ የስልክ መረጃ ባንኩ በተዘረፈበት ሰዓት እና ቀን በካሜራው ተመዝግቧል።በስውር በተቀረፀው ቪዲዮ ብቻ ሲፈለግ የቆየው ወሰኔ አሰፋ በስልክ ቁጥሩ በተደረገበት ክትትል ባለፈው ሳምንት ተይዞ አሌክሳንድሪያ ከተማ ወህኒ ወርዶ ነበር። በእስር ቤት ውስጥ ራሱን ለመጉዳት በመሞከሩ ሌሊቱን ወደ ሆስፒታል ቢመጣም ንጋት ላይ ጠባቂውን ባሃይል መሳሪያ ቀምቶ በማምለጡ ላለፉት ዘጠኝ ሰዓታት በፖሊስ ሲፈለግ ቆይቷል።

ከኢኖቫ ፌርፋክስ ሆስፒታል ያመለጠው ወሰኔ ታርጋ ቁጥሯ XZP-8513 የሆነች ቶዮታ ካምሪ መኪና ሰርቆ ለመሰወር ሞክሯል። ፖሊስ ሊደርስበት ሲልም በእግሩ ሮጦ በማምለጥ ሌላ ሃዩንዳይ መኪና ሰርቆ ፖሊስን እና ነዋሪዎችን ሽብር ፈጥሮባቸው ቆይቷል። በመጨረሻም ዋሽንግተን ዲሲ ውስጥ ፔንሲልቫኒያ ጎዳና ላይ ፖሊስ እንደያዘው ተረጋግጧል። ፖሊስ ‘አደገኛ ሰው!’ ያለው አቶ ወሰኔ አሳየ ተመልሶ ወደ ዘብጥያ ወርዷል። ሁለተኛው ላይ የፈፀመው ወንጀል መጀመሪያ ላይ ከታሰረበት እጅግ የከፋ ነው።#Ethiopian News#

http://abcnews.go.com/US/video/manhunt-virginia-escaped-prisoner-30026673

Yemen Airstrike Hits Mazraq Refugee Camp, Killing 45: Aid Group

March 31, 2015 | Filed under: News,World News | Posted by: Zehabesha

• 17

   
  EmailShare
• SHAREBAR

Reuters

An air strike at a camp for displaced people and refugees in Houthi-

An air strike at a camp for displaced people and refugees in Houthi-controled northern Yemen on Monday killed 45 people and wounded 65, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) said.

An air strike at a camp for displaced people and refugees in Houthi-controled northern Yemen on Monday killed 45 people and wounded 65, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) said.

The strike hit the vicinity of the Mazraq refugee camp in northern Yemen, spokesman Joel Millman said, citing IOM staff at the scene. He said it was not immediately clear how many of the casualties were civilians or armed personnel.

Another humanitarian official said earlier that the strike had hit a truck full of Houthi militiamen at the gate to the camp, killing nine residents, two camp guards and an unknown number of fighters.

A Saudi-led coalition was bombing Yemen for a fifth day Monday to try to weaken the Iranian-allied Houthi militia and allied military units.

The air attacks have also targeted their southward advance on the port city of Aden, the last bastion of the Saudi-backed president, Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi.

Yemen’s foreign minister blamed Iranian-allied Houthi fighters for the airstrike, denying any link to Saudi-led military operations.

Riyadh Yaseen, speaking to reports in Saudia Arabia, said the explosion on the camp was not from Arab coalition forces but by “artillery strikes” by the Houthis.

Saudi officials were not immediately available for comment.

Mazraq, in the province of Hajja next to the Saudi border, is a cluster of camps home to thousands of Yemenis displaced by over a decade of wars between the Houthis and the Yemeni state, as well as East African migrants.

Over the last five days of Saudi-led bombing, around 750 families have been displaced to the camps from the Houthi heartland region of Saada in the far north. Another air strike in the vicinity on Saturday killed several soldiers, the official added

Andargachew Tsige: Ethiopian brutality, British apathy

March 30, 2015

by Graham Peebles | Open Democracy

On 23 June 2014 Andargachew Tsige was illegally detained at Sana’a airport in Yemen, while travelling from Dubai to Eritrea on his UK passport. He was swiftly handed over to the Ethiopian authorities, who had for years posted his name at the top of the regime’s ‘most wanted’ list. Since then he has been detained incommunicado at a secret location in Ethiopia. His ‘crime’ is the same as that of hundreds, perhaps thousands, of others—publicly criticising the brutality of the Ethiopian ruling party.

Born in Ethiopia in 1955, Tsige arrived in Britain aged 24, as a political refugee. He is a black, working-class UK citizen, married with three children. Despite repeated efforts—including demonstrations, petitions and a legal challenge— by his family and the wider Ethiopian community, the British government has done little or nothing to secure this innocent man’s release or ensure his safe treatment in detention. The UK is the third biggest donor to Ethiopia, giving around £376m a year in aid.

After nine months of official indifference, among Tsige’s supporters trust and faith in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) is giving way to cynicism and anger. Is the neglect due to his colour or his quality of ‘Britishness’, in an implicit hierarchy of citizenship? If he had been born in England, to white, middle-class parents, attended the right schools (over half the British cabinet was educated privately) and forged the right social connections, would he be languishing in an Ethiopian prison, where he is almost certainly being tortured, abused and mistreated?

Consistently ignored

Tsige is the secretary general of Ginbot 7, a peaceful campaign group which fiercely opposes the policies of the Ethiopian party-state, controlled for 24 years by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). It highlights the regime’s many and varied human-rights violations and calls for adherence to liberal ideals of justice and freedom, as enshrined in the country’s constitution—a broadly democratic piece of fiction which is consistently ignored by the ruling party (even through the EPRDF wrote it).

Political dissent inside Ethiopia has been criminalised in all but name. Freedoms of assembly, of expression and of the media are all denied; so too is affiliation to opposition parties. Aid that flows through the government is distributed on a partisan basis, as are employment opportunities and university places. The media are almost exclusively state-owned and internet access (at 2% the lowest in sub-Saharan Africa) is monitored and restricted. The government would criminalise thought if it could.

The population lives under suffocating repression and fear; the vast bulk appears to despise the government. Human rights are ignored and acts of state violence—some of which, according to human-rights groups, constitute crimes against humanity—are commonplace. It is this stifling reality of daily suffering which drives Tsige and other members of Ginbot 7, forcing them to speak out—action that has cost him his liberty.

For challenging the EPRDF, in 2009 and 2012, he was charged under the notorious Anti-Terrorist Proclamation of 2009, tried in absentia and given the death penalty. The judiciary in Ethiopia is constitutionally and morally bound to independence but in practice it operates as an unjust arm of the EPRDF. A trial where the defendant is not present violates the second principle of natural justice, audi alteram partem (hear the other party). Again, however, the EPRDF, having dutifully signed up to all manner of international covenants, ignores them all.

The regime likes trying its detractors who live overseas (activists, journalists, political opponents) in their absence and securing outrageous judgements against them, particularly the death penalty or life imprisonment. It rules by that ancient tool of control—fear.

In relation to Tsige, or indeed anyone else in custody, little in the way of justice, compassion or fairness can thus be expected. Self-deluding and immune to criticism, the EPRDF distorts the truth and justifies violent repression and false imprisonment as safeguarding the country from ‘terrorism’—a phenomenon only evidenced by the thugs, in and out of uniform, which the party-state deploys.

Constitutional responsibility

Tsige is a UK citizen and the UK government has a constitutional and moral responsibility to act robustly on his behalf. In February a delegation of parliamentarians, led by Jeremy Corbyn, his local MP, was due to visit Ethiopia in an effort to secure his release. But the trip was abandoned after a meeting with the Ethiopian ambassador. A member of the team, Lord Dholakia, vice-chair of the all-party parliamentary group on Ethiopia, said it was made clear that they would not be welcome: the ambassador reportedly told them “that there was no need for them to go to Ethiopia as the case is being properly handled by the courts”.

Tsige however has yet to be formally charged, has been denied contact with his British solicitors, and consular support, and has received only one brief visit from the British ambassador, last August—a meeting controlled by the Ethiopians. The FCO has said it is “deeply concerned” about Ethiopia’s refusal to allow regular consular visits and Tsige’s lack of access to a lawyer and others seeking to visit him. But ‘do something’ is the cry from the family and the wider community.

At what point, indeed, does neglect in the face of injustice and abuse become complicity? If a government gives funds to a government, effectively the EPRDF, which is killing, raping, imprisoning and torturing its own citizens, and then does nothing, it is complicit in the crimes thus being committed.

Democracy behind bars: 11 opposition leaders facing jail or death

March 27, 2015

The Guardian

With global democracy declining for the ninth year in a row, we look at some of the opposition leaders around the world who have been charged with sodomy, bribery and arson, and who now face prison and even death sentences

Ethiopia

Andargachew Tsige, death sentence, convicted of attempting to overthrow the government

Accused of attempting to overthrow the government, Ethiopian opposition leader Andargachew Tsige was sentenced to death in absentia in 2007. His party, Ginbot 7, seeks to end the country’s dictatorship and is Ethiopia’s largest exiled opposition movement. After Ginbot 7 was declared a terrorist organisation in the 1970s, Tsige fled and sought asylum in the UK.

While travelling to Eritrea in June 2014, Tsige disappeared during a stopover at Sana’a airport and was subsequently extradited to Ethiopia, where he remains on death row. Amnesty International has closely documented Tsige’s case, and online petitions call for his release. [Read more…]

Fallacious Election of Ethiopia and Its Disasters

March 26, 2015

by Nathnael Abate M/ Norway

In most parts of our modern world democratic governments hold free, fair and regular or periodic elections to improve the administration system in their countries, thereby guaranteeing citizens the opportunity to change their leaders and to support new policies. Non democratic regimes, like a government of Ethiopia hold regular election but citizens are systematically forced in different ways to vote for them. Democratophobic government of Ethiopia holds regular and symbolic election in the name of democracy to learn new suppression techniques and to identify its supporters from non supporters. An identification of its allies along with the newly gained knowledge or technique from election will help the regime effectively to suppress critic voices and monopolize the country’s political or government power under its arms in future ruling years. Woyane of ‘Z Tigray’ regime hold periodic election not democratically to transfer government power and political authority into the hands of popularly elected or winner party but uses periodic election as instrument periodically to terrorize citizens of the country. The terrible consequences of Ethiopian elections are violations of democratic and human rights, cause of deaths for many and mass arrest. In Ethiopia elections or peaceful forms political struggles have never brought any limit to the power of ruling government, improvement in human rights situation or reform in government’s administration system. It had gone from bad to worse and from worse to worst.

The TPLF of Ethiopia symbolically holds periodic election every five years and the so-called constitution states that electoral institution to be free from any sort of government influence. However the electoral institute is not only influenced, nevertheless since its establishment it served as the survival gear of the ruling government. Article 102 of the constitution states independence of national election board to conduct in an impartial manner free and fair election in federal and state constituencies. It continues to state again that members of the board shall be appointed by the HPR upon recommendation of the prime minister. Here we can observe that the first part statement of the article clearly contradicts with the concept or notion of the second section. The first part of Article 102 tells us the election boards shall be independent and free from any form of influence. On the other hand, the second subdivision says the election boards shall be recommended by the prime minster and then later on elected by the votes of house of HPR. The prime minister is in charge of recommending his/her trusted friends or loyalists who are willing to execute whatever is ordered. The process of nomination and establishment of election board is just an appointment of the loyalists to certain position in separate suppression institute inside the circle of TPLF. The appointed officials are directly influenced by prime minster or other higher governmental bodies. This makes the country’s electoral system and process, electoral computations and vote results partial and biased. The contest and winning rooms for opposition parties are limited as well as votes are rigged by the electoral board since the election board is directly established by the Government to serve the will of government not to execute election and its process fairly. The malfunction of electoral board is an open threat to build democratic system.

In addition to the influence of National Election Board on the opposition parties and the outcome of election results, the harassment, assault, false accusation and imprisonment, severe restriction on freedom of speech, intolerance to open discussion and other negative influences of government hinders oppositionists from effective electoral computation. Oppositionists lack resources and budgets for their awareness creating campaign in nearest or most remote areas of the country. In reality power hungry TPLF doesn’t want efficacious computations of the opposition parties as result it holds back resources or finances which are allocated for the opposition political parties. Also there is campaign finance abuse by TPLF and agents, dependent electoral board and no balanced access to the media for all opposition political parties and candidates.

During the campaigns for election the importance of freedom expression is undisputable. Individuals should express their will and political opinions freely, take part in campaigning and at end elect the party that they choose and trust. In contrast, the TPLF regime has severely restricted freedom of expression and opinion, association and peaceful assembly of individuals, groups and organizations. This makes a tremendous roadblock for opposition political organizations to create awareness for public about their mission, vision and policies. Lack of open public discussion reduces the participation of citizens in their country’s socio-political affairs which in turn affects democracy building process according to an accepted international election standards and rules. In fact there exist electoral law to make the election peaceful, free, fair and democratic on the paper. But these laws are interpreted in the way they are convenient to keep the interests of TPLF. The so called Electoral Law of Ethiopia bears the following code of conduct of election and objectives. Let’s consider realities on the ground and the stated law as follow

1. To promote tolerance in a democratic electoral operation; under no circumstances TPLF and its system has tolerance in electoral process or in opposition opinions. TPLF never promoted tolerance either democracy instead every single opposition voices are systematically and openly suppressed. TPLF shoulders are not able to carry any political opinion that goes against them.

2. To foster free political campaigning and open public discussion; so far no opposition political groups had any free campaigning. Most opposition parties’ leaders and campaigners were humiliated attacked in Gondar, Wolayta, Oromia, in the capital Addis Ababa and many other parts of Ethiopia. No opposition political party is allowed holding open public discussion. The ruling minority junta is scared of allowing open public discussion. Also in the country where freedom of speech is severely restricted, it is impossible to hold open public discussion. Woyane knows well its fate, if open public discussion is held.

3. To enable the conduct of free and fair election. On this section it says any political organization including TPLF itself or private candidate must therefore respect, publicize, educate the electors and guide its candidates, representatives and supporters to respect the code and take necessary actions to realize it. But none of the listed codes are respected by the TPLF of Z Tigray and these laws are simply written on the paper to fool or attract foreign donors and to establish symbolic opposition parties which are not allowed to go beyond the stated limit.

In general the hope of removing Woyane of Z Tigray from government power and democratically transferring political power in to the hands winner political party is impossible from palpable evidence of Ethiopia’s political situation. This cumulative reason brings us to the conclusion that the outcome of Ethiopian election is predetermined. The above listed methodical fortification, open and hidden barriers are all the techniques which TPLF use to hold back opposition political organizations from effective electoral computation before election. At the time of election processing an illegal interference of TPLF government in the process of election such as vote counting and publicizing the election result is clear in addition to electoral board frauds. Both the governments’ illegal interference and election board dishonesty makes the electoral fraud to be outlawed jointly by the government and electoral body or legislation. The electoral fraud of Ethiopia includes the fabrication of electoral results, increasing the vote share of TPLF and reducing or weighing down the vote share of opposition parties.

Shortly after symbolic TPLF election ends post election terrorization of oppositionists and non allies of government starts. Government targets defenseless non-supporters, opposition parties (leaders, members and institution) and anybody who criticizes the system. Those who are found to be anti-TPLF coalition government or being in connection with opposition political parties will suspended or sacked from their jobs, dismissed from their positions, denied access to employment or other opportunities and in most cases systematically persecuted and sentenced years of imprisonment. For instance an iconic Ethiopian politician and opposition political leader Anduale Aragie was one of the victims of post election persecution by the government. Another citation is post election crackdown of government in 2005 in capital Addis Ababa during peaceful protest of the voters. The peaceful rally was interrupted by police brutality which led to death of hundreds of innocent and arrest of 1000s including figure opposition political leaders. Election 2005 was the event that led TPLF to devise a new suppression strategy to control powerful opposition politicians, journalists and political activists. After a few years later TPLF introduced the so-called anti-terrorism law to hunt down any dissents. Anti terrorism legislation enabled TPLF to arrest famous opposition figures, journalist, human rights activists and others. These Ethiopians were persecuted and imprisoned for no crime but only for holding different political opinion and view.

TPLF regime has made evident the notion that elections alone cannot establish and bring democracy in Ethiopia. To build democratic system and establish strong democratic institution in Ethiopia it is essential to remove Woyane by armed struggle either through public disobedience and all other possible ways. Without democracy’s other essential elements such as consent of the governed, constitutional limits, the protection of human, minority and democratic rights, accountability and transparency, a multiple party system, economic freedom and the rule of law elections alone cannot guarantee the freedom and democracy. It is well known that the democratic institutions in Ethiopia are very weak and elections are easily used by violent and dictator regime to monopolize government power for life long. Therefore it is essential to create unified web like network of opposition outside and inside the country by using all available measures and techniques to bring an end to long-standing dictator regime of Ethiopia.

The writer could be reached at nathanialoret@gmail.com
Facebook Nathnael Abate 
Twitter @nathysaint

Exiled Ethiopian Journalist Betre Yacob: The Freedom Chat Transcripts

March 25, 2015

by Emily Durham| SAMPSONIA WAY

The Freedom Chat is a new video series by Sampsonia Way featuring interviews with journalists and other media workers facing censorship and repression in their home countries. In these Q&A’s, conducted via video chat, journalists talk with Sampsonia Way about press freedom, anti-free speech legislation, and exile.

In the Freedom Chat Transcripts, we share the entire interview with our subjects, including material not included in the video.

Betre Yacob

Ethiopia’s governmental corruption and persecution of journalists has been the subject of much international media coverage. Currently holding the 143rd position of 180 countries in the 2014 World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters without Borders, the Ethiopian government is cracking down on journalists and members of opposing political parties in anticipation of the upcoming May 2015 elections. Video communication software such as Skype has been outlawed, and the government monitors Internet communications such that online privacy is nonexistent. The condition of free speech in Ethiopia is dire, with journalists consistently being threatened, harassed, and imprisoned for their writings.

Editorial intern Emily Durham spoke with Betre Yacob, an Ethiopian journalist and the former president of the government-disbanded Ethiopian Journalists Forum. Betre Yacob is currently fleeing government persecution for publishing articles exposing human rights conditions and corruption. He is the author of Nipo, Nipo Tu, a collection of nonfiction short stories, biographies, and investigative articles about the untold socio-economical situations in developing countries like Ethiopia. The phrase “Nipo, Nipo Tu” is Swahili for “I’m here, I’m here, I’m alive,” and was chosen to convey the message, “Life is worth living everywhere, worth fighting for, despite everything.” In this interview, Betre Yacob explains the current conditions concerning freedom of expression in Ethiopia: conditions which have forced him into exile.

Can you describe the current free press conditions in Ethiopia?

It’s a very challenging time in Ethiopia. Journalism is now almost a crime. Writing, expressing your views, writing about the current political and economic situations of the country is all very challenging. It costs you a lot. Especially when you write about sensitive issues like human rights, or the economic situation or politics, you face harassment, you may face jail. Many journalists have left the country—I am only one of them. I suffered because of my profession, like other journalists. I have tasted the wrath of the Ethiopian government. Journalists are not assisted by legal frameworks—it’s not just what government officials are doing, but also what legal documents in Ethiopia are intentionally orchestrated to allow the region to act against journalists. So it is one of the most challenging times in Ethiopian history for press, media, and journalists. Almost the entire free press has collapsed.

What do you believe are the most heavily censored topics in Ethiopia currently and why do you think this is?

There are some issues which are more sensitive than others. The human rights situation of the country is one of these sensitive issues. Corruption is another sensitive issue. The human rights situation in Ethiopia is worsening every day. So many atrocities are committed throughout the country. For example, if you go to the eastern part of the Somali region, there are people who are subjected to harassment, arbitrary arrest, torture, and unlawful killing. These issues are risky for journalists. Many journalists can’t say whatever they want on such issues. You can’t speak out freely.

What were the conditions under which you were forced to leave Ethiopia?

Since 2012, I have been under government surveillance, and I have been experiencing severe pressure from the government. I was told I would be killed if I continued writing. I was harassed several times. I had formed an association with my friends and was working to change social problems and fight for my rights and freedoms. In 2014, I was listed as a terrorist by government-owned medias, including Addis Zemen Newsaper. It’s quite stressful when you’re accused by a giant government media as a terrorist. I was accused of working for outlawed groups, opposition groups, human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch, Committee to Protect Journalists, Amnesty International, and Article 19 to elicit violence in Ethiopia, to overthrow the current government. I was contacted directly from a higher government official that I would be jailed. I was trying to tolerate all these things. But finally, I was in Angola at a meeting organized by the African Union—I was there representing my association—and there was a serious crackdown on journalists and human rights activists, and my association was one of the targets. So, there were two reasons for my leaving: one, because of my activities as a journalist, because the government didn’t want me to keep writing and exposing the situation in Ethiopia, and two, because of my activities as president of an association working for the rights of journalists. When I was in Angola, the government was investigating all the leadership of the associations. My house was searched by policemen. It was clear that the government was waiting for me, so I didn’t have the option to go back to my country. It was my plan to go back, but I finally decided to leave my country.

Now, the crime is not only writing, but working for the rights of journalists. You cannot write, and you cannot ask for your rights to write. And everyone—not only journalists, but everyone—should have the right to form an association. The government should respect the rights of journalists, and should be responsible for protecting the rights of journalists.

Do you know any journalists who have been sent back to Ethiopia?

No, I don’t know any journalists extradited to Ethiopia, but there are journalists severely beaten and attacked in exile in neighboring countries by Ethiopian government security agents. There are, however, political activists and politicians who have been taken back to Ethiopia. For example, some months ago, one of the known political figures/human rights activists named Andargachew Tsige was arrested in Yemen by Yemeni security agents and extradited to Ethiopia. And there have been others taken back from Kenya, South Sudan, Somalia, and Djibouti. We can see the case of Mr. Okello Ochalla, who is now suffering in the notorious Maekalawi prison in Addis Ababa after being taken from south Sudan. In 2010 and 2012, many political refugees were reportedly returned to Ethiopia unlawfully. The situation of political refugees in neighboring countries is grave. These people are under the protection of the United Nations, but they are being taken back to Ethiopia to face execution.

What topics did you write about that caused problems?

Well, I write mostly on the human rights situation of the country. Of course, sometimes I write on other social aspects, but mostly I write about human rights, and this was one of the reasons for my flee. But it was my job in Ethiopia, journalism, to collect information and express my views.

The current Ethiopian constitution currently guarantees freedom of press, mass media, and expression without censorship. Are there specific laws that go against the constitution that restrict free speech even though it’s supposedly guaranteed?

Yeah, this is one of the complex issues in Ethiopia. Our constitution allows everyone the right to express his view. But the problem is that the country has other legal frameworks, like the Anti-Terrorism Law [2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation], which has been used against journalists who dissent. This particular law totally prevents journalists, writers, and bloggers from exercising their rights which have been granted by the constitution. Expressing your views can be seen as a terrorist act according to the Anti-Terrorism Law. The current constitution in Ethiopia has been paralyzed in recent years due to this type of intentionally orchestrated legislation.

Human rights advocate Professor Mesfin Woldemariam once divided the population of Ethiopia into “those in prison, those who were in prison, and those who will be in prison.” Can you respond to this in terms of the recentcrackdown on journalists and bloggers?

He’s right. The situation can be explained in his terms. As I told you, writing and expressing your views is now almost a crime in Ethiopia. Many journalists are now in jail. Many others are also waiting to be jailed, and one day they will join their colleagues. And then sometimes they self-censor. You can’t say whatever you want, whatever comes to your mind. You can’t speak out freely. People operating as journalists and writers, writing and working in Ethiopia, are not exercising the provision for self-censorship. This is the bitter reality in Ethiopia. I tried to change this reality by establishing an association with my colleagues.

Have you ever censored yourself in your own writing?

Yes, yes. It’s sometimes very challenging to figure out what you are censoring. Because you are always in the midst of government pressure, when you write sometimes you try to take sensitive issues out unintentionally. So yes, there have been some times when I’ve self-censored. I tried many times not to do this. But I remember some occasions I intentionally censored myself. I remember when I nixed some issues from my list; I didn’t touch them at all. I was afraid of touching those issues because I knew exactly what they would do in response.

Do you write about any of those issues now that you’re not in Ethiopia?

Well, now I am abroad, but my current situation is not very safe. Still I am at risk in the place where I’m living. The Ethiopian government secret agents and officials are still operating here. For the time, I’m not writing anything, but when I get to safe places, I will keep writing on those issues.

What branch of the government is responsible for enforcing censorship? Who are the censors and how do they work?

Almost all the government bodies are working in collaboration to silence journalists, bloggers, and writers, but I can mention one particular example. The Ethiopian Communication Affairs Office is one of the biggest organizations serving the Ethiopian government to silence journalists. This organization monitors what newspapers and magazines are talking about, all the basic issues in publications and other contents which are distributed online. Every time there is a sensitive issue, they always respond. They communicate with the security apparatus of the regime, they harass you, and anytime they want, they arrest you. Of course there is also one section of the government which is called the INSA [Information Network Security Agency], which monitors the online activities of Ethiopians. This organization is very good with the current technologies, and they are working to identify who is doing what, where. They know everything you are publishing, where you are publishing, and all your other online private communications. But this government organizations is really working in collaboration with other government organizations to control and manage the views and opinions circulating in Ethiopia.

There have been several allegations recently that some high-profile human rights organizations such as the Ethiopian National Journalists Union and the National Election Board of Ethiopia are actually just fronts for the ruling government which wishes to oppress human rights in Ethiopia. Can you respond to this?

Yes, I have seen it practically. For example, we established a journalists’ association with almost forty journalists in order to work for the rights of journalists and media personnel. But one of the challenges came from journalists’ associations operating in the name of journalists. These associations were acting in cooperation with government officials in order to stop us from implementing our plans. So yes, there are organizations and associations which were established to promote freedom and the rights of people, but practically are working for the government. Some of these organizations are journalists’ associations. At this time, there are journalists’ associations, but as you know journalists are fleeing the country, and many others have been jailed. And these associations aren’t saying anything; instead they are justifying the government crackdown. In the case of our association, these associations were even calling for action against us, trying to stop us from struggling for the rights of journalists and press freedom. There are frequent raids by these associations, and the government allows it. It just shows that there are human rights organizations operating in Ethiopia, but when we go deeper we see that, practically, they are working for the government.

What are the biggest problems you’ve faced?

As I told you, there are frequent harassments. I was accused of being a terrorist by different government-owned medias, and I was told that they would kill me unless I stopped my activities. And so I was living under frustration, I was asking myself what would be my destiny… My private life was really sad. My relationships with my wife, my family, my friends were not good because of such frustration. So I eventually fled.

Are you concerned that the Ethiopian government is still monitoring your activities now?

Yes, of course. I am still under government surveillance. After I left the country, security officials were asking about my whereabouts and related information. I am now talking to you after having some discussions with my colleagues about our deteriorating security situations. Some days ago an article was published by pro-government media, and I’m sure that it was written by government officials. It says that I have to be arrested and extradited to Ethiopia to be convicted. The article says this clearly. In the past few weeks, a report and a video were published by Human Rights Watch. There was also a program aired by theBBC that features me and my colleagues. And I think the government is disappointed by these activities. But I didn’t do anything wrong. I just tried to illustrate what is actually happening in Ethiopia.

Do you have any last thoughts to share?

Yes, I do have to say something very important. You now understand the problem faced by journalists is not only getting harassed, jailed, and tortured, but also the deprivation of so many rights established by the constitution. We don’t even have the right to get together and establish an association. I want to say that the Western governments should look into this problem and address it. There should be some immediate and practical action from the West. They are promoting democracy around the world, they are working for a world where the rule of law is guaranteed. So if they are truly concerned about democracy and about the rights of people, about the rights of journalists, about freedom, then they should contribute to fix what is happening in Ethiopia. It was not my wish to leave my country. I want to be with my family, I want to do my job freely. I want to have a stronger association which works for my rights and the rights of all writers and journalists, and I want to see peace in Ethiopia.

Misplaced Opposition to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD): Update

March 24, 2015

Minga Negash, Seid Hassan, Mammo Muchie, Abu Girma, Aklog Birara and Getachew Begashaw

A picture taken on 28 May 2013 shows the Blue Nile River in Guba, Ethiopia, during its diversion (AFP/File, William Lloyd-George)

In our April 30 2014 commentary http://ecadforum.com/2014/04/30/misplaced-opposition-to-the-grand-ethiopian-renaissance-dam/ which appeared on several media outlets, we outlined the fallacies of the Egyptian policy towards GERD. It appears that the last few months have witnessed breath-taking diplomatic developments. For one, Egypt has returned to the African Union. It also has been reported that there were several rounds of side and formal meetings between Ministers and the Heads of States and Governments of Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan. Egypt has also shown a renewed interest on Africa. A number of African leaders attended the recently held economic summit in Egypt which unveiled a new project that aims to build a new city near Cairo. Parallel to these on March 23, 2015 Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan signed a deal that “ends the Nile dispute.”

In its March 23, 2015 edition Ahramonline published the English translation of the deal.http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/125941/Egypt/Politics-/Full-text-of-Declaration-of-Principles-signed-by-E.aspx. If the document is authentic and translation is accurate, we observe that (i) the document contains several complex statements that are hard to translate into practice, and (ii) many of the clauses favor Egypt much more than Ethiopia. In fact, it is not clear what Ethiopia is getting out of this agreement other than allaying Egypt’s official opposition to the dam. Indeed, Egypt appears to have succeeded in forcing Ethiopia to perform near impossible tasks as any perceived negligence or underperformance can serve as a ground for declaration of dispute. No free nation should be submitted into such a contract voluntarily.

Furthermore, a day after the signing of the “deal”, President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi of Egypt is travelling to Addis Ababa reportedly to address the joint session of the Ethiopian Parliament. Evidently, his mission cannot be anything less than selling the “deal” in Ethiopia. In short, the event appears to be a prelude for the ratification of a document that favors Egypt more than Ethiopia.

While welcoming the tripartite cooperation, we request that the “declaration” be translated into Ethiopian languages. We also ask that an open debate be held in all three countries and the riparian states before the matter is presented to the Ethiopian Parliament. In order to do so, the document should remain an MOU, be revised to address the concerns of citizens and be ratified and take the form of treaty agreement only after proper deliberations are made. Furthermore, as Ethiopia is on the eve of an election, ratification should be deferred until the new parliament is constituted.

Bisha Mine in Eritrea Experienced Vandalism, Not Airstrike

March 22, 2015

“The Bisha Mine experienced an act of vandalism…” Nevsun Resources Ltd.

Pro-Ethiopian regime bloggers reported that “Ethiopian Airforce conducted airstrike at a gold mine processing facility, near the capital Asmara”, so far both Ethiopian and Eritrean officials didn’t confirm whether or not the airstrike took place.

Vancouver based Nevsun Resources Ltd. Which operate the Bisha Mine in Eritrea says;

The Bisha Mine experienced an act of vandalism on March 20 during the nightshift in which minor damages were sustained to the base of the tailings thickener, resulting in the release of water into the plant area. The required repairs and cleanup from the incident were minor and are incorporated into the plant re-start later this week. Additional safeguards have been adopted to ensure site and personnel safety and security while the Eritrean and mine security forces undertake an investigation.

Nevsun Resources Ltd. never mentioned any sort of airstrike or attack.

272 days and counting for Andargachew Tsege on death row

March 23, 2015

In June 2014, political activist Andargachew Tsege was captured in Yemen and sent to a secret prison in Ethiopia.

by Keila Guimaraes | Lslington Now

The wife of a British national on death row has been fighting a long legal battle to free her husband after he was rendered by Ethiopian forces last year.Andargachew Tsege on death row

Islington resident Yemi Hailemariam has been petitioning Downing Street in order to put pressure on the Foreign Commonwealth Office, but says she has seen little improvement.

The political activist Andargachew Tsege was flying from Yemen to Dubai on 23 June 2014 when he was captured in a Yemenese airport and sent to Ethiopia against his will. His family found out his whereabouts a week later when the Yemen government confirmed the operation.

Hailemariam said:

When I knew the truth, it was heart-breaking to say the least. It was the day that changed our lives.
Tsege has a long history of animosity with Ethiopian politicians. He flew out of the country in 1979 at the age of 24 as a political refugee and found shelter in England, where he gained British citizenship status. He settled in Islington, but continued campaigning and visiting Ethiopia.

He joined the movement GINBOT 7, which was formed in 2008 by politicians and activists in exile. The party, whose agenda is to overthrow the ruling party, was labelled as a terrorist group by Ethiopia in 2011. Tsege has been charged with terrorism and sentenced to death in absentia twice, in 2009 and 2012.

The legal battle

Since her husband’s imprisonment, Hailemariam has started a legal battle to free Tsege. Her campaign eventually gained the attention of Prime Minister David Cameron, who wrote to the Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn last October asking for consular access to Tsege and for the death penalty not to be imposed. Tsege was granted only two visits with the British ambassador, on 11 August 2014 and 19 December 2014, but has had no access to lawyers.

Ethiopia has also vetoed a visit from Tsege’s MP, Jeremy Corbyn, who was scheduled to travel to the country on 13 February.

Hailemariam argues that the Ethiopian government has breached international law. She says:

It was an illegal procedure. Citizens have legal rights; they can’t be removed from a country against their will without informing their embassy. That’s kidnapping.
In its 2015 report, advocacy group Human Rights Watch called attention to Tsege’s case: “The transfer violated international law prohibitions against sending someone to a country where they are likely to face torture or other mistreatment.”

A Foreign Commonwealth Office (FCO) spokesperson has also declared that Tsege’s rights have not been respected. “We remain deeply concerned that Andargachew Tsege is being detained in Ethiopia without being granted his rights to regular consular visits or access to a lawyer. We have repeatedly raised this with the Ethiopian authorities and will continue to do so.”

70,000 strong petition

In February, Hailemariam handed a petition with more than 70,000 signatures to Downing Street to ask the British government to put pressure on Ethiopia. But she said that she is in the battlefield alone and that the FCO has been too lenient.

“The FCO is driven by pressure, not by principles. And it infuriates me.”

But lenience might not be the only element in this diplomatic puzzle.

Ethiopia is an important economic partner for the UK and a strong ally on counter-terrorism activities in the region. In the next two years, the UK is investing £303 million in the country.

“Ethiopia lies at the heart of an unstable region that has experienced almost continuous conflict and environmental shocks in recent decades”, detailed the Department for International Development (DFID) in a document about investment in Ethiopia.

It concluded that “a stable, secure and prosperous Ethiopia is critical to UK interests”.

“Ethiopian security forces are responsible for the kidnap, torture and death sentence of British national Andargachew Tsege”

For legal charity Reprieve, the British government is putting economic and security reasons above international law.

Maya Foa, director of Reprieve’s death penalty team, said:

Ethiopian security forces are responsible for the kidnap, torture and death sentence of British national, Andargachew Tsege. Instead of dodging questions and then secretly shelving embarrassing programmes, DFID [Department for International Development] should be explaining why it was using taxpayers’ money to fund these forces in the first place – and what safeguards, if any, it put in place to ensure this ‘high risk’ funding did not enable abuses of the kind suffered by Mr Tsege.
Despite the complexity of Tsege’s case, Hailemariam says she has not given up hope.

“The only thing I see is that we cannot stop. I believe something will work out because we live in a society where I understand civil rights matter. That is very important. Even if the government doesn’t believe so, society believes this kind of thing is unacceptable. I believe we can make progress.”

The movement “Free Andargachew” is organising a protest in front of the FCO office this Friday to demand his immediate release. On Friday, Tsege will have spent 276 days in prison.

Photo: personal archive from Yemi Hailemariam

Afar People`s Party (APP) has taken a disciplinary measure on its chairman

March 20, 2015

The Executive Committee (EC) of Afar People’s Party (APP) announces that it has discharged the chairman of the Party Mr Allo Aydahis Mohamed and Colonel Mohamed Ahmed Ali aka As Mohamed from all responsibilities. Both individuals have been warned during the EC meeting on Dec 27, 2014 for treacherous conducts that undermine the core values of the Party. Despite the warning, these two individuals continued to be treasonous and disloyal to the governing principles of our Party.

Mr Allo Aydahis Mohamed and Colonel Mohamed Ahmed Ali have lost the trust, the moral and legal ground for being part of our organization. Consequently, in a meeting held on 17th of March 2015, these two individuals have been suspended from representing the Afar People’s Party in any occasion.

Dr Kontie Moussa has been elected as a new chairman of the APP, therewith replacing Mr Allo Aydahis. The new leadership would like to reassure all our members, partners, supporters and sympathizers that our Party is intact and our struggle for freedom and democracy will continue with renewed vigour and determination.

The Executive Committee
Afar People’s Party

በጋምቤላ ሌላ ዙር የጎሳ ግጭት አንዣቧል ሲሉ የጋምቤላ ኒሎትስ አንድነት ንቅናቄ አደራጅ ተናገሩ

መጋቢት ፳፩(ሃያ አንድ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-የንቅናቄው መስራችና አደራጅ   ከኢሳት ጋር ባደረጉት ቃለምልልስ እንደገለጹት የህዝባዊ ወያን ሃርነት ትግራይ መንግስት በአካባቢው ያለውን መሬት ሙሉ በሙሉ ጠቅልሎ ለመውሰድ ባለው ፍላጎት

በአኝዋኮችና በኑወር ብሄረሰቦች መካከል ግጭት ለመፍጠር እየተንቀሳቀሰ ነው። ኑወሮችን በጦር መሳሪያ ከማስታጠቅ ጀምሮ ከደቡብ ሱዳን የሚፈናቀሉ ኑዌሮች በአኝዋኮች፣ መዠንገሮችና ሌሎች ብሄረሰቦች መካከል እንዲሰፍሩ በማድረግ እስከዛሬ የነበረውን

የህዝብ አሰፋፈር በመቀየር አዲስ ግጭት ለምፍጠር ይቀሳቀል በማለት አቶ ኦኮክ ክስ አቅርበዋል።

በመጋቢት ወር 2 አኝዋኮች መገደላቸውንና 3 ደግሞ መቁሰላቸውን  እንዲሁም በርካታ ሴቶች እና ህጻናት ከ ፒንዩዶ የስደቶች ካምፕ ታፍነው መወሰዳቸውን ፣ በየካቲት ወር ደግሞ 2 ህጻናት ታፍነው ሲወሰዱ፣ አንድ የአኝዋክ አርሶ አደር ደግሞ ተገድሏል።  በኩትቡዲ

ፒንዩዶም እንዲሁ 4 አኝዋክ ህጻናት ታፍነው ሲወሰዱ፣ የኒዩም መንደር አዣዥ  ኦጉልም እንዲሁ ተገድለዋል።

ከአሁን በፊት በተቋቋሙት ቦንጋ፣ ዲማ፣ ፒኑዩዶ እና አኩላ ወይም ኢታንግ የሰፈራ ጣቢያዎች የገቡት የደቡብ ሱዳን ስደተኞች አልበቃ ብሎ በአኝዋክ፣ መዠንገር፣ ኦፖ እና ኮሞ ጎሳዎች መሬቶች ላይ ቾላን፣ ፖኮንግ፣ ጃዊ፣ ኦቾም፣ ኮቦን፣ ካራሚ የተባሉ አዳዲስ የሰፈራ

ጣቢያዎች መቋቋማቸው ሆን ተብሎ ግጭት ለመፍጠር መሆኑንና ምልክቶችም በመታየት ላይ መሆናቸውን ገልጸዋል።

ዋናው አላማው በክልሉ የሚታየውን መሬት ለመቀራመት መሆኑን የሚገልጹት አቶ አኮክ ፣ ሁለቱ ብሄረሰቦች በሚጋጩበት ጊዜ ተጠቃሚዎቹ መሬቱን የሚዘርፉት የህወሃት ሰዎች ናቸው ብለዋል።

በቅርቡ ከ80 በላይ አኝዋኮችና 45 መዠንገሮች በማእከላዊ እስር ቤት ታስረው እንደሚገኙ፣  የቀድሞውን የክልሉን መሪ አቶ ኦኬሎ አኳይን ጨምሮ ቁጥራቸው በውል የማይታወቅ በርካታ አኝዋኮች ከደቡብ ሱዳን ጁባ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ተላልፈው መሰጠታቸውን

ገልጸዋል። በክልሉ እየደረሰ ያለው ጭፍጨፋ በአጼ ሃይለስላሴ እና ደርግ ከነበረው ጋር ሲተያይ አስከፊ መሆኑን የገለጹት ሃላፊው፣ በዚህ ቀጠለ ለዘመናት መስዋትነት የከፈልንላትን አገራችንን እንዳናጣት ሲሉ አስጠንቅቀዋል።

የሼክ አላሙዲን ሳውዲ ስታር ሳይቀር የመከላከያ ካምፕ መሆኑም አቶ ኦኮክ ገልጸዋል። ከአቶ አኮክ ጋር የተደረገው ቃልምልልስ ሰሞኑን ይቀርባል።